The Song of the Sea: Exodus 15:1-21, continued
The ‘Song of Miriam’ (vv. 19-21)
Verse 21, which repeats almost verbatim the lines of the opening v. 1, is often referred to as the ‘Song of Miriam’, even as vv. 1ff is sometimes called the ‘Song of Moses’. Indeed, the narrative introduction in v. 20, focusing on the role of Miriam, matches the introduction in v. 1a (and the role of Moses). These parallel notices suggest that a poetic-liturgical structure—viz., the Song of praise sung by the men answered by a chorus of women—is being (or has been) adapted to the historical-narrative scenario (Moses leads the men, and Miriam the women).
Problematic to this structure is the comment in verse 19. This verse has been characterized as a late gloss, inserted after the Song was included as part of the narrative. However, it makes little sense in its current position after the text of the full Song. By contrast, it becomes more intelligible following the opening lines (v. 1), which are then repeated (by the women) in v. 21. Note how vv. 1 + 19-21 read in sequence:
1Then Moše sang, and (with him the) sons of Yisrael, this song to YHWH…
(Come,) I will sing to YHWH,
for rising, He has risen high!
(The) horse and its ride
He has hurled in(to) the Sea!….
19For (the) horse(s) of Pharaoh, with his ride(s) and with his horse-teams, came in(to) the sea, and YHWH made (the) waters of the sea turn back upon them, while (the) sons of Yisrael walked on the dry land in (the) midst of the sea.
20And (then) Miryam the Nabî’, sister of Aharon, took the timbrel in her hand and went out, (with) all (the) women following (her) with timbrels and with twirling (dance)s, 21and Miryam sang in response to them [i.e., to the men]:
(Yes,) sing (now) to YHWH,
for rising, He has risen high!
(The) horse and its ride
He has hurled in(to) the Sea!”
It seems rather more plausible for the explanatory comment in v. 19 (cf. 14:27-29) to have been included as part of a shorter narrative text that did not present the entire Song. Moreover, the scenario of the women singing in response to what the men sang becomes much clearer if only the opening of the Song (and not the entire Song) is present in the text. And, indeed, throughout the Pentateuch (in Genesis-Exodus and Numbers), the poems and songs quoted within the narrative are usually extremely short (e.g., Num 21:17), in contrast to the rather lengthy text of the full Song.
Of course, at some point, the complete Song, as we have it, was included in the narrative. The exact relationship of the ‘Song of Miriam’ (v. 21) to the full Song has been a much-debated question among commentators. Before addressing the even more contentious question as to the time/period in which the Song was composed, let us survey four options regarding the relationship of v. 21 to the Song (vv. 1b-18):
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- The ‘Song of Miriam’ (v. 21) represents the closing refrain of the Song
- It represents an antiphonal response for each stanza of the Song
- It stands as a shorthand, abbreviated form of the entire Song
- It represents the original form of the Song, upon which the longer poem was based—viz., as an elaborate expository development of the simple earlier song
The first two options are quite similar, positing that v. 21, repeating v. 1, functions as a response/refrain for the main poem. The second option is much less likely, at least for the Song as it has come down to us. Indeed, verse 21, as a repeated response, would be better suited to a simpler strophic poem (e.g., Ps 136); as we have seen, the Song rather possesses a complex literary-poetic structure. However, a repetition of the opening (v. 1) as a closing refrain would be quite feasible, with parallels in a number of other Psalms (e.g., Ps 118). In this regard, the narrative framework of vv. 1-21 (excluding v. 19) would match the poetic-liturgical structure: (i) the Song, sung by Moses and the men, is followed by (ii) a repetition of the opening lines, sung by Miriam and the women (as a refrain).
However, we must give serious consideration to the third and fourth options, particularly in light of the analysis given above—to the effect that the narrative structure of vv. 1-21 is much clearer without the full text of the Song being present. This raises the possibility that either (i) v. 1/21 represents a shorthand or abbreviated version of the Song [option 3], or (ii) it represents the original version of the Song [option 4]. For commentators such as Cross and Freedman, who maintain an early (pre-monarchic, 12th-11th century) date for the Song, option i/3 is much to be preferred. On the other hand, if the Song is a later composition (of the monarchic, exilic, or post-exilic period), then the idea that the Song represents a development of earlier material (i.e., option ii/4) becomes much more feasible (even probable). Yet even many commentators who argue a late date for the Song view the entire work as an integral (and late) composition; cf. Brenner’s analysis on vv. 1, 21 (pp. 42-53, 80-4), with his conclusion that these lines date from the post-exilic period just like the rest of the Song.
The Date of Composition for the Song
As discussed in Part 1 of this study, there is a considerable range of opinion as to when the Song was composed. Four different periods may generally be considered:
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- Pre-monarchic (12th-11th century B.C.)
- Early monarchy to the Assyrian conquests (10th-8th century)
- Late monarchy (7th-6th century)
- Exilic and Post-Exilic period (6th-5th century, or later)
At one extreme end are those scholars, led by Cross and Freedman, who maintain a pre-monarchic date for the Song; to these may be added traditional-conservative scholars who accept a Mosaic origin. At the other end is the view, held increasingly by modern critical scholars, that the Song is post-exilic. Brenner, whose analysis I have referred to a number of times in this study, offers the most thorough presentation of arguments in favor of a late (post-exilic) date for the Song. His arguments are based primarily on similarities of language and phrasing with passages in the Psalms, Prophets, and Deuteronomic texts. He is on relatively solid ground when noting parallels in Jeremiah and Deutero-Isaiah, for example, but much less so with regard to the Psalms and Deuteronomic texts. He devotes much attention to the parallels in the Asaph-Psalms (73-83) and characterizes the entire collection as post-exilic, a determination that is questionable at best (cf. the comments by Davies, p. 300). Similarly dubious is the way that many of the relevant Deuteronomic passages are attributed to post-exilic redaction.
Perhaps the best defense of an early (pre-monarchic) date for the Song is the linguistic-grammatical analysis presented by Russell. He highlights a number of key features which it is useful to list here (with page numbers indicated):
1. The use of yiqtol/imperfect verb forms for past-tense narration (pp. 107-9). As this is the most significant feature cited for the dating of Biblical Hebrew poetry as early (cf. Robertson, pp. 7-55), I have devoted a special supplemental note to the subject.
2. The 3rd person masculine plural pronominal suffix om– (pp. 112-16; cf. Robertson, pp. 65-9). The regular 3rd person plural pronominal suffix in Biblical Hebrew is <-, but occasionally the longer form om– occurs (primarily in poetry). In over half (66) of the Scriptural occurrences (116), the suffix is attached to a preposition; less common are the occurrences on nouns (27) and verbs (23). For these 50 occurrences, the two forms of the suffix (om– and <-) are found together, in mixed usage, in 13 Psalms (2, 5, 11, 17, 21, 35, 49, 59, 73, 80, 83, 89, 140) and the Song of Moses (Deut 32)—in the latter, om– occurs 4 times and <– 11 times. In just five poems, om- is used without any instance of <-, but in three of these (Pss 22, 45; Deut 33) there is just one occurrence of om-, and in a fourth (Ps 58) just two occurrences. The Song of the Sea is unusual in that there are considerably more (nine) occurrences of om– without a single instance of <– (vv. 5, 7, 9 [x2], 10, 12, 15, 17 [x2]).
Yigal Bloch subjects the entire issue to a penetrating analysis in his essay, “The Third-Person Masculine Plural Suffixed Pronoun –mw and Its Implications for the Dating of Biblical Hebrew Poetry”, Diachrony in Biblical Hebrew, eds. Cynthia Miller-Naudé and Ziony Zevit (Pennsylvania State University Press: 2012), pp. 147-70. He concludes the use of the wm– suffix (om-, also Wm-) continued at least until the mid-8th century B.C. and cannot be relied upon as an indicator of an earlier (i.e., pre-monarchic) date for Biblical Hebrew poems.
3. The use of wz as a relative particle (pp. 110-11; cf. Robertson, pp. 62-5). The regular relative particle in Biblical Hebrew is rv#a&, but occasionally (in poetic texts) the particle wz (Wz, oz, cf. also hz#) is used. The particle Wz occurs twice in the Song of the Sea (vv. 13, 16) while standard particle rv#a& is not present. There are at least 8 occurrences of Wz in the Psalms, while there are a number of instances of relative hz# as well. This particle *z reflects the old Semitic d*/ḏ*, and its vestigial presence in Hebrew poetry is generally thought to represent an archaic (or archaizing) feature. It is certainly present in poems that are widely considered to be early (such as the Song of Deborah [cf. verse 5] and Psalm 68 [v. 9/8]), but also occurs in admittedly later poems (e.g., Isa 42:24; Hab 1:11), while the dating of most of the relevant Psalms is also disputed by scholars.
4. Preservation of a final y/w– of a verbal root in instances where it is normally lost (pp. 109-10; cf. Robertson, pp. 57-62). Many final h– verbal roots (e.g., hs*K*) are thought to reflect an original y– or w-, vestiges of which are preserved occasionally in suffixed verb forms (especially in poetry). One such instance occurs in the Song (v. 5), Wmy%s=k^y+ (rather than WmS%k^y+); cf. also Deut 32:37, and a number of occurrences in the Psalms (e.g., 39:8[7]; 83:4[3]). While it may be viewed as an archaic feature, one should note the occurrences in the book of Isaiah (including at least three in the Deutero-Isaian poems, 40:18, 25; 46:5). Similar archaizing (if such it is) can also be found in the book of Job (cf. 12:6; 19:2; 31:38).
5. Occurrences of the masculine singular object suffix Whn– on verbs (pp. 111-2; cf. Robertson, p. 65). It is thought that this rare form (in poetry) is archaic. Indeed, it occurs once in the Song (v. 2) and three times in Deut 32:10; but it also occurs twice in Jeremiah (6th century, 5:22; 22:4).
6. Use of the fuller form of the prepositions k, l, b (omK=, oml=, omB=, cf. Ugaritic km, lm, bm) (p. 116; cf. Robertson, p. 109f). Again, these may be deemed archaic forms that are preserved in poetry. They are found in later (i.e., 6th-5th century) poetry as well, but multiple occurrences in a single poem are rare and could be seen as an indication of an early date. There are two occurrences of omK= in the Song (vv. 5, 8), as many as any other poetic text with the exception of Psalm 58 (6 occurrences). There are also a considerable number of occurrences (11) in the Joban Dialogue, where it could be viewed as an intentional archaizing feature.
There are the more notable individual linguistic and syntactical features that have been posited as an indicator of an early date for the Biblical Hebrew poems. However, all of them also occur in later poetry (8th-5th century), and certainly no one of them can serve as a sufficient indicator; however, the occurrence of such a significant number in the same poem (as we find the Song) makes it more tenable for scholars to argue strongly in favor of an early date (early monarchy, or pre-monarchic). I tend to concur with commentators who, somewhat cautiously (and entirely on objective grounds), suggest a 9th-8th century date, with the definite possibility that the original form of the poem may be older still (i.e., 12th-10th century).
This leads to a final question that must be considered: to what extent has the Song undergone development and adaptation over time? The question is particularly appropriate (and significant) in light of two competing strands of evidence: (1) the number of distinct archaic linguistic and syntnactical features in the Song (discussed above), and (2) the verbal and thematic parallels with various Psalms and Prophetic poems, including those which date to the 7th-5th centuries B.C. (also discussed above, and throughout the notes). Is it possible that an early (pre-monarchic?) poem underwent development, so as to produce the Song much in the form that it has come down to us by the end of the Kingdom period (if not later)?
We have already discussed the theory that v. 1/21 represents the primitive song which was subsequently expanded into a much longer and complex literary-poetic work. A number of scholars have made various proposals as to a longer ‘original’ or core poem (see the summary discussion by Davies, pp. 292-3), e.g.:
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- Zenger (pp. 460-4ff): vv. 1, 5, 6–7, 11–12
- Norin (pp. 96-8): vv. 1, 3, 6-7, 9-13, 15a, 16a, 17-18
- Jeremias (pp. 98-9): vv. 1, 3, 9-13, 15a, 16-18
- Spieckermann (pp. 105-7): vv. 1-13, 17-18
- Albertz (pp. 231ff): vv. 6-18 (with amplifications in vv. 14, 15b)
- Klein (pp. 516ff): vv. 1–3, 6-11a, 13, 17–18 and 21
According to my own structural analysis of the Song, which largely follows that of Freedman (pp. 195ff), the two main ‘inner’ stanzas (vv. 7-10, 12-16a) appear to have an expository character, whereby they expound, respectively, the two short ‘outer’ stanzas (vv. 3-5, 17). However, this does not necessarily mean that vv. 3-5 + 17 represent the core of an older poem that subsequently underwent development; the Song may have been composed with this complex poetic-rhetorical structure in mind. From an historical-traditional standpoint, the second half of the Song, if it indeed alludes to the settlement of the Land and the establishment of the Temple sanctuary in Jerusalem (as past events), would provide rather clear evidence for development and expansion of the Song (if the original form of the Song were pre-monarchic). And yet, all of these points are disputed by commentators, as discussed variously in the notes.
It should also be mentioned that, for commentators who posit literary and editorial-redactional ‘layers’ to the Song, their views tend to be oriented to the larger source-critical analysis that attends the Exodus narrative—viz., in terms of the ‘Documentary hypotheses’ and all their modern reflexes. I have avoided any discussion of these theories, but will address them, to some extent, and in a very general way, in a supplemental note on the “Reed Sea” ([Ws <y~) tradition.
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- References marked “Cross” above (and throughout these notes) are to Frank Moore Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History and Religion of Israel (Harvard University Press: 1973).
- Those marked “Cross/Freedman” are to Frank Moore Cross and David Noel Freedman, “The Song of Miriam”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 14 (1955), pp. 237-50. This is a revised version of a chapter from their earlier dissertation, published in idem, Studies in Ancient Yawhistic Poetry, Society of Biblical Literature [SBL] Dissertation Series (1975), pp. 31-45.
- Those marked “Freedman” are to David Noel Freedman, Pottery, Poetry and Prophecy: Collected Essays on Hebrew Poetry (Eisenbrauns: 1980): (1) pp. 131-66, “Early Israelite History in the Light of Early Israelite Poetry” (originally published in Unity and Diversity, ed. H. Goedicke & J. J. M. Roberts [1975]); (2) pp. 179-86, “The Song of the Sea” (originally published in 1968); (3) pp. 187-228, “Strophe and Meter in Exodus 15” (originally published in A Light Unto My Path, ed. H. N. Bream, R. D. Heim, C. A. Moore [1974]).
- Those marked “Brenner” are to Martin L. Brenner, The Song of the Sea: Exodus 15:1-21, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft [BZAW] 195 (De Gruyter: 1991).
- Those marked “Russell” are to Brian D. Russell, The Song of the Sea: The Date of Composition and Influence of Exodus 15:1-21 (Dissertation, 2002), also published as a monograph (Studies in Biblical Literature 101 [Peter Lang, Inc.: 2007]).
- Those marked “Robertson” are to David A. Robertson, Linguistic Evidence in Dating Early Hebrew Poetry, Society of Biblical Literature [SBL] Dissertation Series 3 (Scholars Press: 1972).
- Those marked “Davies” are to G. I. Davies, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Exodus 1-18, 2 vols., International Critical Commentary [ICC] (T&T Clark: 2020).
- Those marked “Albertz” are to Rainer Albertz, Exodus 1–18, Zürcher Bibelkommentare [ZBK] (Theologischer Verlag Zürich: 2017).
- Those marked “Norin” are to Stig I. L. Norin, Er Spaltete Das Meer. Die Auszugsüberlieferung in Psalmen und Kult des alten Israel, Coniectanea Biblica Old Testament Series 9 (CWK Gleerup: 1977).
- Those marked “Zenger” are to Eric Zenger, “Tradition und Interpretation in Exodus 15 1–21″, in Congress Volume: Vienna, 1980, Vetus Testamentum Supplements 32 (Brill: 1981), pp. 452–83.
- Those marked “Jeremias” are to Jörg Jeremias, Das Königtum Gottes in den Psalmen. Israels Begegnung mit dem kanaanäischen Mythos in den Jahwe-König-Psalmen, Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testament [FRLANT] 141 (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: 1987).
- Those marked “Spieckermann” are to H. Spieckermann, Heilsgegenwart: Eine Theologie der Psalmen, Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testament [FRLANT] 148 (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: 1989).
- Those marked “Klein” are to A. Klein, “Hymn and History in Ex 15: Observations on the Relationship between Temple Theology and Exodus Narrative in the Song of the Sea”, Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft [ZAW] 124 (2012), pp. 516–27.
You should be able to see the three stress-units in each half line (colon), often visible as three words; this meter in a bicolon format is typically indicated as 3:3.