[Ws <y` and the Exodus Sea Tradition
This note is supplemental to the recent multi-part study on the Song of the Sea (Exodus 15:1-21).
The meaning of [Ws <y` (Y¹m Sû¸)
In the Exodus 14 narrative (vv. 2, 9, 16, 21, 23), no specific geographical designation is given for the sea where the great Exodus event (and miracle) occurred; rather the reference is simply to “the sea [<Y`h^]” (cf. also the Song, vv. 1, 4; and Num 33:8). Only in verse 4 of the Song, and in v. 22 (cf. earlier in 13:18 and also 10:19), is the longer expression [Ws <y` used, as it is also in later tradition when the Exodus Sea-event is referenced (cf. Deut 11:4; Joshua 2:10; 4:23; 24:6; Psalm 106:7, 9, 22; 136:13, 15; Neh 9:9). Most scholars now assume that [Ws (sûp) is related to Egyptian ṯwf(y), denoting reeds or other plants that grow in water (in a marshy locale). This seems almost certain given the Egyptian setting of the narrative and the used of [Ws earlier in 2:3 and 5 (cf. also Isa 19:6).
See esp. the article by William A. Ward, “The Semitic Biconsonantal Root SP and the Common Origin of Egyptian ČWF and Hebrew SÛP”, Vetus Testamentum [VT] 24 (1974), pp. 39-49. On the possible connection of the Egyptian geographic designation pʒ ṯwfy (“the Reed [region]”, “the [region of] Reeds”) with Hebrew [Ws <y`, see the extensive discussion by Hoffmeier, Ancient Israel in Sinai, pp. 81-108. He locates pʒ ṯwfy north of the region of Lake Timsah and the Bitter lakes (called km wr, the “Great Black”)—namely, the swampy region between Lake Manzelah in the Delta and the el-Ballaḥ lake cluster (see the Map below).
Thus, the construct expression (as a name) would mean “Sea of Reeds” or “Reed Sea”. The customary translation “Red Sea” comes from the LXX e)ruqra/ qa/lassa, followed by the Vulgate mari rubro, where it refers to the two great gulfs on either side of the Arabian peninsula (viz., the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf), along with the wider Indian Ocean. When speaking of the “Red Sea” in an ancient Israelite context, the reference is primarily to the narrow gulfs (of Suez and Aqaba) on either side of the Sinai peninsula. In 1 Kings 9:26 and Jer 49:21, [Ws <y` is used for the gulf of Aqaba, but otherwise the point of reference is to the gulf of Suez (along with the lakes to the north of it, cf. below) which forms an eastern boundary to the Egyptian territory.
The noun [Ws, denoting reeds or other marsh-plants, would not seem to apply particularly to the Red Sea (and the gulfs of Suez/Aqaba), though Jon 2:6[5] apparently shows that the term can be used for sea-growing vegetation generally. Thus, most commentators are inclined to identify the “sea” in Exodus 14-15 with one of the eastern Egyptian lakes that are situated to the north of the gulf of Suez (see below). In addition, it has also been suggested that [ws here does not mean [Ws (“reed, marsh-plant”), but, rather, should be derived from the root [ws (“be at an end, come to an end”), like the noun [os (“end”, cf. 2 Chron 20:16; Qoh 3:11, etc.). According to this view, [Ws <y` would mean “sea at the end” or “end of the sea”, which would be a suitable designation for the gulfs of Suez and Aqaba—in relation to the Red Sea, but also as a termination point, viz., for Egyptian or Canaanite territory; in this regard, one might note the geographic designation [Ws in Deut 1:1.
Cf. the article by Bernard F. Batto, “The Reed Sea: Requiescat in Pace”, Journal of Biblical Literature [JBL] 102 (1983), pp. 27-35, following earlier proposals by N. H. Snaith (in Vetus Testamentum [VT] 15 [1965], pp. 395-8) and J. A. Montgomery, “Hebraica (2) yam sûp (‘The Red Sea’) = Ultimum Mare?”, JAOS 58 (1938), pp. 131-32. He argues specifically that [Ws in Jon 2:6[5] does not mean “seaweed” or a water-growing plant but, rather, alludes to the “end” coming upon Jonah (par. with <h)T=, “deep” in the prior line).
Given the use of [Ws in Exod 2:3, 5, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that, contextually, [Ws likewise means “reed(s)” when it occurs later in the narrative (10:19; 13:18; 15:4). At the very least, there is almost certainly some intentional wordplay and intertextual referencing, between the beginning of the Exodus narrative (chap. 2 / birth of Moses) and its climax (chaps. 14-15 / the Sea episode). The Nile is in the heart of Egyptian territory, while the “Sea of Reeds” (or, possibly, “Sea at the end”) marks the eastern boundary of that territory. Moses enters among the reeds of the Nile and is saved (from the Egyptians); similarly, the Israelite people are saved from the Egyptians at the “Sea of Reeds”, passing through the Sea as they depart from Egyptian territory.
The location/identification of [Ws <y`
An identification of the “Sea of Reeds” with the gulf of Suez (i.e., Red Sea) has been problematic, on several counts. Most modern commentators who seek to establish an authentic geographic location for the Sea episode favor one of the lakes to the north; on this, see the fine and concise survey by Hoffmeier, pp. 207-12 (and, updated, Ancient Israel in Sinai, pp. 85-108). The particular lake that is chosen depends, to a large extent, upon how one traces the Israelites’ journey to the Sea (13:18ff), with regard to the sites mentioned in 13:20 and 14:2 (cf. the thorough discussions by Hoffmeier, pp. 176-98, and Davies, pp. 240-59). For those who favor a route in the north, the great Delta lake (Manzeleh), or Bardawil/Sirbonis to the east, has been identified as the “Sea of Reeds”. However, a majority of commentators prefer the eastern lakes of the el-Ballaḥ cluster, Timsah, or the ‘Bitter Lakes’. It is quite possible that some or all of these bodies of water were connected, with each other and with the gulf of Suez. Indeed, long before the creation of the modern Suez canal (connecting the Red Sea with the Mediterranean), the ancient Egyptians had created a similar canal on the eastern border, extending from lake Timsah (and the wadi Tumilat) northward to the Mediterranean; it has even been suggested that the place name Pi-hahirot (14:2) refers to this canal (cf. Hoffmeier, Ancient Egypt in Sinai, pp. 105-7). Moreover, there is evidence that in ancient times the gulf Suez was larger and extended further north, so that it likely was connected (at least on a seasonal basis) with the Bitter Lakes. Cf. the discussion by Hoffmeier, pp. 164-75, pp. 207-10. All of this means that, in terms of the eastern boundary of Egypt, for the ancient Israelites, the Bitter Lakes, along with (possibly) Timsah and the el-Ballaḥ lakes further north, were all seen as part of the same [Ws <y`.

Hoffmeier, Figure 2: Map of the Delta and North Sinai
The Historicity and Symbolism of the [Ws <y`
There are basically two differing approaches taken by modern critical scholars with regard to Exodus Sea-tradition and the [Ws <y`. One is to treat the Exodus narratives as essentially providing accurate information about real historical events (with allowance made for certain legendary details and coloring). Hoffmeier is a prime example of this approach, following an earlier generation of scholars (such as W. F. Albright and Cross/Freedman). The current generation, for the most part, is inclined seriously to doubt the historical value of the Exodus narratives and traditions, instead adopting a minimalistic view as to the historical events/traditions that underlie the narratives (and the Song). The following quote by William Dever (cited by Hendel, p. 65) gives a blunt and decisive statement expressing this view:
“Not only is there no archaeological evidence for an exodus, there is no need to posit such an event. We can account for Israelite origins, historically and archaeologically, without presuming any Egyptian background. As a Syro-Palestinian archaeologist, I regard the historicity of the Exodus as a dead issue.”
Brenner, whose monograph on the Song I have referenced on a number of occasions, is also representative of this approach; he dates the Song quite late (post-exilic period, mid-5th century B.C.) and is scarcely concerned to address the question of its historicity at all. Ronald Hendel, in his article “The Exodus as Cultural Memory and the Song of the Sea”, in Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective, pp. 65-77 (cf. also idem, “The Exodus in Biblical Memory”, Journal of Biblical Literature [JBL] 120 [2001], pp. 601-22), summarizes the historical-critical position and suggests that the Exodus narratives (and the Song) reflect a range of collective cultural memories (over many generations) rather than concrete historical events.
Hendel’s approach is addressed by four different scholars (including Hoffmeier), each of whom makes considerably more allowance for the historicity of the narratives, in Five Views on the Exodus: Historicity, Chronology, and Theological Implications, Counterpoints Series (Zondervan Academic: 2021), pp. 235-82.
The same difference in viewpoint applies when considering specifically the Egyptian background (and historical setting) for the Exodus traditions; on which, cf. the concise survey Exodus: The Egyptian Evidence, eds. Ernest S. Frerichs & Leonard H. Lesko (Eisenbrauns: 1997). Even veteran Egyptologists can have very different opinions regarding the historical value and historicity of the Exodus narratives. Kenneth A. Kitchen, particularly in his book On the Reliability of the Old Testament (Eerdmans: 2003), pp. 241-312, takes a positive and optimistic view, whereas Donald B. Redford, for example, in his popular Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton: 1992), follows the minimalist approach (see esp. pp. 408-22ff). For further study on the Egyptological (and archeological/scientific) issues, a fine selection of essays has been assembled in Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective; I would recommend especially the essays by Manfred Bietak (pp. 17-38), Hoffmeier (pp. 197-208), and Brad C. Sparks (pp. 259-81).
This divergence of modern views concerning the Exodus traditions is particularly relevant with regard to the Sea-episode (and the [Ws <y`), since there are clearly mythological aspects to the episode—involving the Sea and YHWH’s control over it (discussed at various points in the notes on the Song). The question is: how do these aspects relate to the historical context of the episode? Again, there are two basic interpretative approaches, positing: (1) a fundamentally mythological episode has been put into an historical setting, or (2) mythic traditions and imagery have been applied to the narration of historical events. The latter seems much more likely, given what is known of ancient Near Eastern thought-patterns and how similar cosmological-mythic symbolism is utilized elsewhere in the Scriptures (e.g., Isa 27:1; 51:9-10, etc.); on which, see my article “Conflict with the Sea in Ancient Near Eastern Myth”. It is noteworthy how often this symbolism is applied specifically in relation to Egypt (in an historical context), cf. Isa 27:1ff; Ezek 29:3ff; 32:2ff. The comment by Kitchen (p. 262, see above) is apt:
the ancient Near East did not historicize myth (i.e., read it as an imaginary “history”). In fact, exactly the reverse is true — there was, rather, a trend to “mythologize” history, to celebrate actual historical events and people in mythological terms.
The most extensive study on the cosmological-mythic aspects of the Song (and the Sea-motif) is that of Kloos, pp. 139-57ff. Cf. also Bernard F. Batto, “Mythic Dimensions of the Exodus Tradition” (in Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective, pp. 187-5), who considers the Exodus Sea-tradition principally as an adaptation of the Combat-with-the-Sea myth; in this regard, it should be noted that he understands [Ws <y` to mean “Sea at the end” (rather than “Sea of Reeds”, cf. above), that is, essentially at the end (or boundary) of the ordered creation. Hendel (p. 76), while maintaining the meaning “Sea of Reeds”, similarly explains this “Sea”, in the Egyptian context of the Exodus-event, as a boundary between order and chaos—viz., between the civilized land of Egypt (order) and the outside world (chaos). For the ancient Israelites, this symbolism becomes effectively reversed, as the “chaos” of the Sea-crossing and the Wilderness journeys leads to their salvation and settlement in the Promised Land as a new people.
Source Criticism and the Composition of the Exodus Narratives
A final comment should be made regarding the designation [Ws <y` (for the “Sea”) in relation to the composition of the Exodus narratives. According to the old ‘Documentary Hypothesis’, the Exodus narratives (including chaps. 14-15) are comprised of independent “J” and “E” strata (both dating from the early Kingdom-period) that have been combined together, along with a later “P” source (and redaction) from the exilic (and/or post-exilic) period. There have been numerous variations on this theory, which has come under increasing criticism in recent decades, to the point that the entire source-critical understanding of the Exodus (and other Pentateuchal) narratives is very much in flux. The inclusion of the Song, depending on how it is dated, has been variously attributed to the “J”, “E”, “JE”, and “P”-redactional levels. Much the same can be said regarding the identification of the “Sea” as the “Sea of Reeds” ([Ws <y`). As noted above, this specific identification does not occur in the chapter 14 narrative, but only in the Song (v. 4), and again in v. 22, though the designation does occur elsewhere in the narratives (10:19; 13:18). Brenner (pp. 88-91) offers the interesting theory that the “P” editor makes the identification at 15:22, drawing upon the itinerary of Num 33:6-10 (see v. 10), even though the reference at Num 33:10 does not refer to the Sea-crossing but to a different point of the journey. However, the identification in the Song (v. 4) comes, in his view, from a separate line of (Deuteronomistic) tradition—cf. Deut 11:4; Jos 2:10; 4:23; 24:6—and its later (post-exilic) redactors (as attested by Neh 9:9, and the occurrences in Pss 106 and 136). The identification in v. 4 may well come from a separate line of tradition (viz., the composition of the Song itself), but it hardly needs to be given such a late (i.e., post-exilic period) date.
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- References marked Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective stand for the volume Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective: Text, Archaeology, Culture, and Geoscience, eds. Thomas E. Levy, Thomas Schneider, William H. C. Propp, Quantitative Methods in Humanities and Social Sciences (Springer International Publishing: 2015).
- Those marked “Hoffmeier” are to James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition (Oxford University Press: 1997). Those marked “Hoffmeier, Ancient Israel in Sinai” are to idem, Ancient Israel in Sinai: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Wilderness Tradition (Oxford University Press: 2005). Cf. also the same author’s contribution in Five Views on the Exodus: Historicity, Chronology, and Theological Implications, Counterpoints Series (Zondervan Academic: 2021), “2. The Thirteenth-Century (Late-Date) Exodus View”, pp. 81-134, and the essays “Which Way Out of Egypt? Physical Geography Related to the Exodus Itinerary” and “Egyptologists and the Israelite Exodus from Egypt” in Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective (cf. above), pp. 101-8, 197-208.
- Those marked “Brenner” are to Martin L. Brenner, The Song of the Sea: Exodus 15:1-21, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft [BZAW] 195 (De Gruyter: 1991).
- Those marked “Davies” are to G. I. Davies, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Exodus 1-18, 2 vols., International Critical Commentary [ICC] (T&T Clark: 2020).
- Those marked “Hendel” are to Ronald Hendel, “The Exodus as Cultural Memory and the Song of the Sea”, in Israel’s Exodus in Transdisciplinary Perspective (cf. above), pp. 65-77. See also, idem, “The Exodus in Biblical Memory”, Journal of Biblical Literature [JBL] 120 (2001), pp. 601-22, and the same author’s contribution in Five Views on the Exodus: Historicity, Chronology, and Theological Implications, Counterpoints Series (Zondervan Academic: 2021), “5. The Exodus as Cultural Memory View”, pp. 235-82.
- Thos marked “Kloos” are to Carola Kloos, Yhwh’s Combat with the Sea (G.A. van Oorschot: 1986); see especially pp. 127–214 (on the Song).