Category: The Ancient Israelite Festivals

A study of the major festivals and holy days in Ancient Israel and the Old Testament Tradition, and how they relate to early Christian belief and practice, based primarily on the New Testament evidence.

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Shavuot/Weeks (Part 4)

Shavuot/Weeks (Pentecost) as the Setting for Acts 2

In Part 3, we examined the themes established in the narrative episodes of Acts 1, particularly as they relate to the Shavuot festival (i.e., Pentecost). These themes are further developed in chapter 2, the main narrative of which involves the sending of the Spirit to the first believers (gathered in Jerusalem) during Shavuot. This narrative (Acts 2:1-13) may be outlined as follows:

    1. Introductory statement (unity of the Disciples), verse 1.
    2. Manifestation of the Spirit, verses 2-4.
    3. Reaction of Jews in Jerusalem (united voice of the crowds), verses 5-13.
1. Introductory statement (unity of the Disciples), Acts 2:1:

“And in the Fiftieth day’s being filled completely, they were all at one upon the (same) thing [or, place]”

In a more conventional translation, the verse reads:

“And when the Fiftieth day had been fulfilled, they were all together in the same place.”
[As C. C. Torrey and other scholars have noted, the Greek may reflect an Aramaic expression “when the Weeks had been fulfilled” (e.g., aY`u^Wbv* <l^v=m!b=W), which is more intelligible]

As discussed in the prior portions of this study (Part 1, 2, 3), the Shavuot festival was traditionally associated with the Sinai theophany and giving of the Law (Exod 19:1ff). In the Exodus narrative, the entire camp of Israel was gathered together beneath the mountain “to meet God” (Exod 19:17). Here, the disciples, too are gathered together in the same place (at the ‘mountain’ of Zion, i.e., Jerusalem) and will “meet God”. Elements of the Sinai theophany also have their parallel in the manifestation of the Spirit, as we shall see. The united assembly of the people, called to consecrated themselves as they wait for the coming of God’s manifest presence (Exod 19:9-15), is paralleled by certain details applied to the Jerusalem believers here in v. 1 (cf. also 1:14); note the wording:

    • h@san (“they [i.e. the Disciples] were”)
    • pa/nte$ (“all”—all of them, together)
    • o(mou= (“as one” or “at one”, i.e., together, the same; see the similar o(moqumado\n [“of one impulse”] in 1:14)
    • e)pi\ to\ au)to/ (“upon the [same] thing”—this phrase occurs repeatedly in the early chapters of Acts, though somewhat obscured by conventional translations; it is indicative of the unity of the believers)
2. Manifestation of the Spirit, Acts 2:2-4:

Here the manifestation of the Holy Spirit (the Spirit of God) is recorded in dramatic fashion, in the language and imagery of theophany (Grk qeofa/nia, lit. “shining forth [i.e., manifestation] of God”). The aforementioned correlation with the manifestation of God at Sinai (occurring at Pentecost, by tradition) is worth looking at in more detail, in terms of the elements of that theophany:

    • Thunders (lit. “voices”) and lightnings (Exod 9:16)
    • A thick cloud
    • Fire went down upon the mountain; smoke (as of a furnace) went up from it (19:18), perhaps parallel to the cloud in v. 16.
    • The mountain “trembled” (or “quaked”); in v. 16 it is said the people trembled (same verb, drj)
    • The sound (lit. “voice”) of a horn (rp*ov, shofar) (19:19, also mentioned in v. 16), which sounded long and grew louder

Consider also the theophany to Elijah (1 Kings 19:11-12)—

    • A great and strong wind (or “breath”, “spirit” j^Wr = pneu=ma) which swept through and tore at the mountain
    • An earthquake (“quaking”, “shaking” vu^r^)
    • Fire (va@)

all of which occur as God (hwhy) is “passing over” (or “passing by” rb@u), but God Himself is not in (b) the wind, quaking or fire. Then comes a quiet, thin voice.

Here is the manifestation of the Spirit as recorded in Acts (note the theophanic details in italics, with specific parallels in bold):

    1. “And suddenly there came to be out of the heaven a sound as of a violent wind [pnoh/] being carried (along) and it filled the whole house (in) which they were sitting” (2:2)
    2. “And there was seen [i.e. appeared] unto them tongues as if of fire divided through(out), and it sat upon each one of them” (2:3)
    3. “And they all were filled of/by (the) holy Spirit [pneu=ma] and began to speak in other tongues even as the Spirit gave (to) them to utter forth” (2:4)

Clearly, there is wordplay with “tongues (as if) of fire” [glw=ssai w(sei\ puro/$] anticipating “with other tongues” [e(te/rai$ glw/ssai$] in v. 4. There is at least one other occurrence of the phrase “tongues of fire” from roughly the same period in a Qumran text (represented by fragments of 1Q29 and 4Q376: these with 4Q375 and 1Q22 may all be part of the same work). 1Q29 fragment 1 can be restored on the basis of 4Q376 (ellipses indicate gaps [lacunae] in the text):

“…the stone, like… they will provide you with light and he will go out with it with tongues of fire [va twnwvlb]; the stone which is at its left side will shine to the eyes of all the assembly until the priest finishes speaking. And after it [the cloud?] has been removed… and you shall keep and do all that he tells you. And the prophet … … who speaks apostasy … … YHWH, God of …”

Another tiny fragment reads: “… the right stone when the priest leaves … … three tongues of fire … … And after he shall go up and remove his shoes ….” (translations taken from García Martínez & Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, Brill/Eerdmans 1997/2000, vol. 1 pp. 108-9). The words (possibly spoken by Moses) refer to an anointed Priest; the stones on the right and left (urim and thummim?) are associated both with light and the voice of the Priest as he addresses the assembly. It is possible the “three tongues” are also “divided out”, one over each stone, and one directly over the Priest in the middle.

There is some uncertainty whether the “other tongues” refer to an ecstatic ‘heavenly’ language or ‘earthly’ foreign languages. Other New Testament references (Acts 10:46; 19:6, and those in 1 Cor. 12-14) suggest the former, while the context here (cf. Acts 2:11) indicates the latter. Perhaps the ambiguity is intentional, in order to reflect both: (a) heavenly origin, and (b) the languages of the nations. Returning to the Sinai theophany, there is an old Jewish tradition that as the Torah (each word of God) went forth it was split into the seventy languages of the nations (Babylonian Talmud, Šabbat 88b); that is, each nation could hear the voice of God (the “thunderings”) in its own language (cf. Exodus Rabbah V.9). A tradition along these lines seems to be at least as old as Philo of Alexandria (On the Decalogue §46), and so nearly contemporary with the book of Acts.

3. Reaction of Jews in Jerusalem (united voice of the Crowd), Acts 2:5-13:

The following outline indicates the main elements of this section:

    • Jews “come together” in Jerusalem (v. 5, 6a)
    • Response of the crowd (vv. 6b-11) in two aspects:
      1) Each person hears in his/her own language
      2) Nations respond in a (symbolic) united voice
    • Confusion (v. 12, see also in vv. 6-7)— “What does this wish to be?”

The mocking retort in v. 13 serves as a lead-in to Peter’s address in vv. 14-40. Let us look at each element in a little more detail:

a. Jews “come together” in Jerusalem (v. 5, 6a)

The mention of “Jews” ( )Ioudai=oi) being in Jerusalem may seem unnecessary, but it is significant for at least two reasons: (1) to emphasize the underlying religious and cultural unity of the ‘nations’ present in the city, and (2) it draws attention to the (post-exilic) reality of the current situation. When Israel, and particularly the southern kingdom of Judah (centered at Jerusalem), was taken into exile, the people were dispersed among the nations; and it was in the “dispersion” (diaspora) that a distinctly Jewish identity developed. It is generally assumed that these Jews are sojourning in Jerusalem for the festival of Weeks (Pentecost); the verb katoike/w often implies a more permanent residence, but here may simply mean generally “to dwell”. These Jews are “from every nation under heaven”, and have come together in the city (for the festival). At the coming-to-be of “this voice” (th/ fwnh/), again Jews, symbolized as a specific crowd (plh=qo$), “come together” (sune/rxomai) in confusion (being “stirred together” [sugxe/w]). It is interesting that, just in the tradition regarding the Sinai theophany, the multitudes are hearing different languages but one voice.

b. Response of the Crowd (v. 6b-11)

V. 6b and 7a reprise the confusion—they “stood out of (their minds)” and “wondered” in amazement as they heard the disciples speaking. It is unnecessary to ask just how, when, or where these people heard the disciples—and altogether beside the point. The author has crafted a marvelous dramatic scene, with events (at the historical level) certainly having been compressed together into a single moment. Similarly, it is rather unlikely that a single person or group of persons in the crowd would have said precisely what the crowd is recorded as saying here. Instead, various reactions and responses are represented by one voice. This is important thematically, and, one might say, theologically as well. Often a creative literary device conveys far more truth than a ‘sober’ record of events. Consider several of the themes inherent in the crowd’s response:

    • The reference to the disciples as “Galileans” (Galilai=oi), while serving to emphasize the wonder of the situation, also creates a subtle shift stressing ethnic (and geographic) identity. Most of the disciples, and certainly the Twelve were Galileans (“men of Galilee”, 1:11). The early Christian mission began in Galilee (cf. 1:1-2), is centered in Jerusalem (by the united community of the Disciples), and will spread from there into all nations (1:8).
    • Two key references to hearing the voices speaking “in our own language” (th=| i)di/a| dialek/tw| h(mw=n, v. 8, cf. also v. 6) and “in our tongues” (tai=$ h(mete/rai$ glw/ssai$, v. 11) bracket the list of nations in vv. 9-11a. The importance of this description should by now be apparent. It may be useful to consider the qualifying phrase accompanying each reference:
      (1) V. 8: “in our own language in which we came to be born” [e)n h! e)gennh/qhmen]
      (2) V. 11: “(hear speaking) in our tongues the great (work)s of God” [ta\ megalei=a tou= qeou=]
      The first phrase clearly indicates ethnic sense; the second echoes Old Testament language whereby news of the great and glorious deeds of God is spread into the surrounding nations (cf. Ex. 15:11ff, and many others)—geographic sense.
    • The list of nations (vv. 9-11) has been a source of some confusion, as indicated by the number of textual variants and proposed emendations. However, much of the difficulty disappears when its literary nature is recognized, rather than simply being a list rattled off by someone in the crowd. The inclusion of “Judea” has seemed strange (since Jews are speaking, and they are already in Judea!) as well as its position, leading to many suggested emendations; however, as a separate geographical list it actually makes sense—moving from East (Parthians, Medes, Elamites, Mesopotamia) to West (Anatolian/Asian provinces, Egypt, Lybia, Cyrene and Italy) with Judea in the middle. While still a bit uneven (the final two, Cretans and Arabs, don’t fit in order as well) and not without difficulties, its significance as a list of the (known and relevant) surrounding nations is obvious.
c. Confusion (v. 12, cf. also vv. 6-7)

The confusion of the crowd is re-iterated, stating that they all were beside themselves (again e)ci/sthmi, lit. “stand out of [one’s mind]” v. 7) and “thoroughly at a loss” (diapore/w). Their summary response is: ti/ qe/lei tou=to ei@nai; (literally “what does this wish to be?”), often translated more conventionally as “what does this mean?” —however a more literal rendering preserves better a sense of the strange, dynamic nature of the situation in which the crowd finds itself: events almost seem to have a will of their own! The ironic, mocking retort that closes the crowd’s response (“they are filled with sweet [wine]!”), of course, serves to lead into Peter’s great Pentecost speech (vv. 14-40). The disciples are indeed “filled” (plh/qw) with the Spirit (v. 4), rather than “filled” (mesto/w, a somewhat cruder verb which can indicate “stuffed”, “intoxicated”) with ordinary wine.

As we conclude this study, it is perhaps worth considering again the theme of the “restoration of Israel” in light of the Pentecost narrative:

    • The disciples have returned (turned back) to Jerusalem
      • The Twelve have been reconstituted and are gathered together (in Jerusalem) in one place
        • Jews from all nations (the Dispersion) also are gathered together in Jerusalem
      • They again hear the voice (word of God) in the languages of the nations, spoken by the Twelve and other disciples (echo of the Sinai theophany)
    • The disciples go out from Jerusalem into the nations (even to the Gentiles)

In terms of the symbolism and religious-theological significance of the Shavuot festival itself, the following points should be reiterated, in closing:

    • The Sinai event (Exodus 19ff) marked the (re-)establishment of the covenant between God and his people; for God’s people in the New Age, a new covenant (which also represents a renewal of the covenant) was established through the death, resurrection and exaltation of Jesus Christ (cf. the parallel between Mark 14:24 par and Exod 24:8).
    • The people of God are gathered together in one place, at the ‘mountain’, in a state of consecrated/holy readiness. 
    • The manifest presence of God (theophany) comes upon the people; for the believers, this is realized through the coming of the Holy Spirit upon them. 
    • God’s Word is proclaimed to the people—and, further, to Moses the appointed minister, who proclaims it to all of the people. Similarly, with the coming of the Spirit, the Gospel is proclaimed to all the people (from all different nations)—viz., the beginning of the Christian mission. 
    • The inauguration of the early Christian mission, and the theophany which accompanies it, fulfills several important tenets related to the religious identity of God’s people:
      (1) God’s Kingdom (on earth) is realized through the mission of His people (cf. Exod 19:6, in connection with Acts 1:3, 6ff), and His manifest presence (theophany) among them (i.e., His Spirit).
      (2) The coming of the Spirit marks the beginning of the (eschatological) New Age (cf. in Peter’s sermon-speech, vv. 16-21) and a New Covenant between God and His people.
      (3) God’s presence and His word is no longer revealed to His people through an appointed mediator (such as Moses); instead, it comes directly to all of the people, equally and together, abiding in and among them (through the Spirit). 

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Shavuot/Weeks (Part 3)

Shavuot/Weeks in the New Testament (Acts 2)

There are only three specific references to the festival of Shavuot/Weeks in the New Testament, two of which are simply calendric references (Acts 20:16; 1 Cor 16:8), indicating that Jewish Christians (such as Paul) would have been cognizant of the festal calendar and likely were still observing the key festivals (in some manner) even after becoming believers. However, we learn little from such passing references about how first-century Christians understood the festival (and its significance). The Gospel of John mentions a number of festivals—Passover, Sukkot (Booths), and Hanukkah (Dedication)—presenting them as the setting for important narrative episodes and discourses by Jesus, applying aspects of their ritual detail and symbolism to the person of Christ. Unfortunately, Shavuot does not appear to be included among these festivals, unless it is the otherwise unspecified festival mentioned in 5:1 (as the setting for the miracle episode and discourse of chapter 5).

The other reference to Shavuot is Acts 2:1, where it is called (as in the other two NT occurrences) by the Greek term penthkosth/ (pentēkostḗ), “fiftieth” —that is, the festival of the ‘fiftieth day’ (see the discussion in Part 1). At first glance, this seems to be just a passing calendric reference (as in 20:16); however, it soon becomes clear that the setting of the festival is of profound symbolic importance for the author of Luke-Acts. The festival itself plays a central role in the narrative, and of the Lukan author’s understanding of the early Christian mission.

Shavuot (Pentecost) in light of the narrative themes in Acts 1

In this regard, the chapter 2 (Pentecost) narrative fulfills and develops certain themes established in the prior episodes. Indeed, each of sections 1-4 (which make up Acts 1) is important thematically for an understanding of the Pentecost Narrative.

Section 1: Lukan Introduction (Acts 1:1-5):

The historical summary (vv. 2-4a) has at its heart the double phrase:

oi!$ kai\ pare/sthsen e(auto\n zw=nta meta\ to\ paqei=n au)to\n e)n polloi=$ tekmhri/oi$,
di’ h(merw=n tessera/konta o)ptano/meno$ au)toi=$ kai\ le/gwn ta\ peri\ th=$ basilei/a$ tou= qeou=
“…and to whom [i.e. the disciples] he stood himself alongside [i.e. presented himself] alive after his suffering in many fixed marks [i.e. signs/proofs],
through forty days being seen by them and recounting/relating the (things) about the kingdom of God”

The narration continues in v. 4a and blends into an address (in direct speech) of Jesus to his disciples. Note the key elements:

a. Stay in (do not depart from) Jerusalem (see Luke 24:52; Acts 1:12)
b. Remain about (i.e. wait) for the promise of the Father (Luke 24:49) which you have heard from me (see Acts 1:13-14, also Luke 24:53)
c. Reprise of John’s testimony:
“(On the one hand), John dipped/dunked in/with water, but (on the other hand), you will be dipped/dunked in the Holy Spirit after not many (of) these days”

There are a number of motifs which seem to echo the traditions of Exodus 19ff, suggesting that the early Christian mission represents a new establishment of the covenant (between God and His people), accompanied by the theophanic presence of God and the proclamation of the Law (Torah). The four most prominent motifs, in this regard, would seem to be:

    • Disciples having seen the coming of the New Age in the resurrection of Jesus, and having heard his witness of God’s word to His people—cf. Exod 19:4ff
    • The idea of the disciples waiting (in Jerusalem/Zion) for the fulfillment of God’s promise, the coming of His manifest presence upon His people—cf. Exod 19:11-15ff
    • A period of forty days (culminating in Jesus’ ascension), prior to the coming of God’s word and presence among His people—cf. Exod 24:15-18 (Moses’ ascent of the mountain, cf. also 19:20b)
    • The anticipation of the mission of believers—entailing (i) the proclamation of the Gospel and (ii) the coming of the Spirit (1:6-8, cf. below)—as representing and embodying the Kingdom of God—cf. Exod 19:6

For the traditional connection of Exodus 19ff with the festival of Shavuot, cf. Part 1 and the discussion regarding the development/application of this tradition within the Qumran texts (in Part 2).

Section 2: The Ascension (Acts 1:6-11):

There are two components to the episode in vv. 6-11: (1) the disciples’ question to Jesus regarding the Kingdom (vv. 6-8), and (2) the narration of Jesus’ ascension (vv. 9-11). The idea of God’s Kingdom being established (on earth) through the early Christian mission was noted above. This is clarified as a key Lukan theme by the prominence given to the tradition in vv. 6-8. The disciples’ question to Jesus is:

ku/rie, ei) e)n tw=| xronw=| tou/tw| a)pokaqista/nei$ th\n basilei/an tw=| )Israh/l;
“Lord, in this time will you set down again the kingdom to Israel?”

A more literal rendering of the verb a)pokaqisth/mi would indicate setting (i%sthmi) the Kingdom down (kata/) from (a)po/) where it is currently, back to its former condition; conventionally, we could translate “reconstitute” or “restore”. This is most important, in light of the eschatological theme of the restoration of Israel that informs much of the narrative in chapters 1-2.

Jesus’ reply comes in two parts: first—

“It is not for you to know the times or seasons which the Father has set in (his) own e)cousi/a“

e)cousi/a (from e&cestin), almost impossible to translate literally, has the sense of “ability” or “authority” to do something. Jesus effectively dispenses with their question, without necessarily denying its validity—however, the brusque response may suggest a misunderstanding on their part. Earlier it is stated that Jesus, during the days following his resurrection, related to his disciples “the things concerning the Kingdom of God” (v. 3). Almost certainly this involved more than the sort of eschatological Messianic kingdom common in popular religious thought. Yet this is what they ask about here. If the first part of Jesus’ reply does away with their question, the second part, in some sense re-establishes it:

“But you shall receive (the) power of the holy Spirit (which is) coming upon you, and you shall be my witnesses (both) in Jerusalem, and [in] all Judea and Samaria, and unto the end of the earth.”

Indeed, the idea of the “restoration of the kingdom”, or, one may say, the “restoration of Israel” is an important idea both in Jesus’ teaching and in the book of Acts.

Section 3: Summary narrative (1:12-14):

There are several themes of note found in this short passage which reinforce the eschatological and interpretive points of emphasis mentioned above:

    • The disciples “return (or turn back) into Jerusalem”, v. 12. On the surface this is a simple description; however, consider the language in light of the implied motif of the “restoration” of Israel: a) The dispersed Israelites will return to the land, and to Jerusalem b) The restoration of Israel is often tied to repentance (turning back)
    • The Twelve disciples are gathered together in one place (upper room), v. 13. If the Twelve represent Israel (see below), then here we also have an image of the twelve tribes gathered together again.
    • The initial words of v. 14 contain a number of related, seminal motifs:
      • ou!toi (“these”—the twelve, along with the other disciples)
      • pa/nte$ (“all”—that is, all of them, together)
      • h@san proskarterou=nte$ (“were being strong” [sense of “endurance”, “patience”] “toward” their purpose/goal)
      • o(moqumado\n (“with one impulse”—a key phrase that occurs throughout Acts, cf. 2:46; 4:24, et al. qumo/$ is often translated as “soul”, “mind” [“with one mind”], but also as “passion”, “desire”; the primal sense of the word was something like a “[violent] stirring”)
      • th=| proseuxh=| (“in prayer”)

The description of devotion and unity in v. 14 may be seen as corresponding to the consecration of the assembled people (of Israel) in preparation for the coming of God—His presence and His word—to them in Exod 9:9-10ff.

Section 4: The Reconstitution of the Twelve (1:15-26):

Here it is important to emphasis again the theme of the Twelve. On purely objective grounds, the Twelve represent one of the earliest Christian traditions—a fixed tradition and symbol, separate, it would seem, from much of the actual historical detail. This appears clearly enough from passages such as 1 Cor. 15:5 and Matthew 19:28, where “the Twelve” are mentioned, even though only eleven disciples could be involved (Judas being dead or disqualified). Also, note the variant lists of the Twelve (Matt. 10:1-14; Mark 3:14-19; and Luke 6:13-16 / Acts 1:13). Most likely the Twelve were chosen (by Jesus) in part to represent the tribes of Israel. This is not stated directly, but note Matthew 19:28 (and the Lukan parallel 22:30) and the sending out of the Twelve in Matthew 10:5f. It is possible too, at least in early Christian tradition, that the twelve baskets in the miraculous feeding came to be thought of as symbolic of Israel re-gathered, as well as an image of Church unity (see Didache 9:4 on the Eucharist). In the book of Revelation 21:12-14, the twelve apostles are also identified in terms of the twelve tribes.

So here, in Acts, the choosing of a twelfth apostle, to take the place of Judas Iscariot, takes on great significance. According to the logic of the narrative, Israel (the Twelve tribes) cannot be restored until the Twelve are reconstituted. This may seem strange to modern thinking, but the symbolism was powerful indeed to early Christians, for whom Israel and “the Church” were closely connected.

Thus, at the close of chapter 1, the Lukan author has described (symbolically) the seminal “restoration of Israel” through the reconstitution of the Twelve apostles. The noun a)po/stolo$ itself denotes one who is “sent forth” (vb. a)poste/llw)—which, in the early Christian context, means one sent forth by Jesus (viz., as his disciple) to continue and extend his mission (i.e., the early Christian mission), vv. 7-8. The first believers, gathered in Jerusalem (mount Zion), thus resemble the assembled people of Israel at mount Sinai in Exod 19, awaiting the coming of God to them.

In the concluding Part 4 of our study, we will examine the continuation of the Lukan narrative in chapter 2, in which the association with Shavuot/Weeks (i.e., Pentecost) becomes explicit.

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Shavuot/Weeks (Part 2)

Shavuot/Weeks in the Qumran Texts

In Part 1, we discussed the longstanding tradition connecting the time/date of the festival of Shavuot/Weeks with the establishment of the covenant at Sinai. The chronological notice in Exodus 19:1 provides the basis for this association, setting the revelation at Sinai (chap. 19) and the giving of the initial Torah (chaps. 20-23), followed by the ratification of the covenant (chap. 24), during the third month—which is the month (“new moon”) during which the festival of Shavuot/Weeks would have been celebrated. To this may be added the historical notice in 2 Chronicles 15:8-15 mentioning a covenant-renewal ceremony, during the reign of Asa, which took place in the third month, doubtless under the influence of the Sinai Covenant Tradition. As noted, the pilgrimage festivals would the best time for such a large public ceremony, when considerable numbers of people would be present in Jerusalem; cf. the dedication of the Temple (in the reign of Solomon, 1 Kings 8 par) which took place in connection with the Sukkot festival.

This basic line of tradition, associating the third month (and thus Weeks/Shavuot) with the covenant between God and His people, is also found in the book of Jubilees (2nd century B.C.), which presents not only the Sinai covenant (1:1), but also the Noahic (6:10) and Abrahamic (14:1ff) covenants, as being established in the third month. The mountain on which Noah built an altar to God (leading to the establishment of the covenant, 6:4ff) is further identified (symbolically and typologically) with the mountain where the covenant was renewed during the time of Moses (1:1; 6:11ff). Instructions regarding the further celebration of the Shavuot festival follow (6:17-22ff), making clear the connection between the festival and the renewal of the covenant—that is, the people’s continued commitment and faithfulness to the covenant. The historical scenario described in 6:18-19, though set (pseudepigraphically) in the time of Moses, applies properly to the contemporary situation at the time when Jubilees was written: i.e., the people “kept it [i.e., the covenant] until your days, but in your days the children of Israel forgot it until you renewed it for them on this mountain” (italics mine). In other words, the book of Jubilees presents a situation whereby the people have largely neglected and abandoned the covenant (and the associated Torah precepts and regulations, etc.), but it is being renewed among the faithful/devout ones of Israel today.

A similar religious worldview and eschatological orientation can be found, with further development and emphasis, in the Qumran texts (and the Community associated with those texts). Even though specific references and allusions to the festival of Shavuot/Weeks are few (11QTemple 18:10-14ff, and cf. below), it is generally agreed among scholars and commentators that the Qumran Community celebrated a ‘covenant renewal’ ceremony, central to the Community’s religious life and identity, that was held in connection with Shavuot.

The two primary texts that describe and expound the religious identity of the Community are the Community Rule (1QS, etc.) and the ‘Damascus Document’ (CD and the various Qumran manuscripts [QD]). The Community Rule describes an initial covenant-ceremony for those entering the Community (1QS 1:16-2:18), which then is to be repeated each year (2:19ff). The ceremony involves a confession (both of sin and of faith/commitment), along with ritual blessings and curses inspired by the ceremony described in Deuteronomy 27-28 (cf. Josh 8:30-35). Those who are faithful to the covenant (viz., the members of the Community) are blessed, while those who are unfaithful (and who thus belong to the ‘lot of Belial’ rather than to the holy ones) are cursed. The remainder of 1QS (5:1-10:4) gives the Community rules and regulations that members are to follow (beyond the Torah precepts and regulations, etc.). In addition, the famous ‘Treatise of the Two Spirits’ (3:13-4:26) and the confessional hymn of 10:5-11:22 provide a vital description of the Community member’s religious and spiritual identity.

The Damascus Document (CD/QD) also provides rules and regulations that the Community is to follow (chaps. 9-16), including instructions regarding the “dweller[s] of the camps” (twnjmh yb?wm), 12:23ff—that is, members of the Community as they dwell/reside in various locations throughout the land. In several Qumran manuscripts that are thought to be part of CD/QD, there is a reference to the assembly of these “dwellers of the camps” during the third month (presumably an allusion to the Shavuot festival):

“And all [those who dwell in] the camps will assemble in the third month and will curse whoever tends to the right [or to the left of the] law.” (4Q266 fragment 11, lines 16b-18a; cf. 4Q270 fragment 7 col. ii., lines 11-12a; 4Q269 fragment 16, lines 15-18)

In 4Q275 (fragment 1), there is a similar reference to the “third month”; fragments 2 and 3 seem to resemble 1QS in its description of a covenant ceremony for the Community, along with related rules/regulations.

According to the calendar followed by the Qumran Community, the festival of Shavuot/Weeks began on the 15th of the third month (Sivan), and it does seem likely that a ‘covenant renewal’ ceremony was held, in connection with that festival, in which all members of the wider Community gathered together. It has even been suggested that the famous facility excavated on the site of Khirbet Qumran was utilized primarily as a pilgrimage site for this annual gathering; cf. the article by Daniel Vainstub.

Given the apparent importance of the Shavuot festival for the Qumran Community, we would expect it to feature prominently in the Community’s religious ritual and liturgy. Unfortunately, the Qumran liturgical texts are preserved in only a highly fragmentary (and thus limited) form. There are likely traces of liturgical prayer-texts for Shavuot in the 1/5QFestivalPrayers (1Q34/34bis, 4Q507-509 + 505). From the surviving fragments, it can be difficult to identify precisely which festival is in view; however, the prayer in 1Q34/34bis 3ii [+ 4Q509 97-98] (cf. Davila, pp. 22-4) may well be for Shavuot, given the covenant reference and allusions to Exodus 19ff etc.:

“But you have chosen a people for yourself in the period of your favor, for you have remembered your covenant and you have [set] them apart for yourself as holy out of all the peoples, and you have renewed your covenant for them with the vision of glory…” (translation Davila)

Other likely or possible fragments of Shavuot prayers are 4Q508 13 (with a reference to the ‘first fruits’ of “grain and new wine and oil”), 4Q509 5-6 (note the [covenant?] curses), and 4Q505 124. The highly fragmentary prayer in 4Q509 131 + 132ii is definitely for the festival of ‘firstfruits’ (<yrwkb), i.e., Shavuot.

Some of the liturgical and hymnic blessing texts of 4QBerakhot (4Q286-290) may be associated with the Shavuot festival. In particular, one may note the festal context of the heavenly throne-room scene in 4Q286 1ii, given the comparable throne-vision in the “Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice” (Songs XI-XII) which is definitely connected with Shavuot (see below). The communal curses against Belial (and all those who belong to his lot) in 4Q286 7i [+ 4Q287 6.1-11] (cf. Davila, pp. 59-62) are also suggestive of the covenant (renewal) ceremony for the Community (in 1QS, etc.; cf. above). In 4Q280, which may be part of the same Berakhot document (see Davila, pp. 47, 78-82), there are similar communal curses against “Melchiresha” and his followers.

The fascinating collection of hymns known as the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q400-407, 11Q17, Mas1K), ties richly detailed visionary scenes (of the heavenly palace/temple and sanctuary) to a ritual/liturgical celebration of the various Sabbaths of the year. Songs XI and XII are for the 11th and 12th Sabbaths, respectively. The 12th Sabbath is identified as the 21st day of the third month (Sivan), which means that the 11th Sabbath is presumably the 14th of Sivan, corresponding generally with the festival of Shavuot (15 Sivan, according to the Qumran calendar). Both Songs have a climactic place in the cycle, providing a visionary depiction of the throne-room of God (in the heavenly sanctuary).

These Songs draw upon apocalyptic-visionary Enoch traditions as well as the Merkabah mysticism underlying the Hekalot literature. It is significant in this regard that the heavenly-vision scenes in Ezekiel 1 and Psalm 68:18[17], featuring the presence of both heavenly chariots and kerub-beings (i.e., cherubim), came to be associated in Jewish tradition with the festival of Shavuot/Weeks. These elements are also prominent in the throne-visions of Song 11 (4Q405 18-22 + 11Q17 vi-vii) and Song 12 (4Q405 20ii-23i + 11Q17 vii-viii); see Davila, pp. 141-56. An interesting detail, related to the Enoch tradition, is that, according to 2 Enoch 68:1-4 [J], Enoch was born on the 6th of Sivan, at the beginning of Shavuot, and ascended to heaven (after a life of 365 years) on the very same day. The throne-vision in Songs 11 and 12 owes much to the vision in 1 Enoch 14:8-25.

In Part 3, we shall turn our attention to the festival of Shavuot/Weeks as it came to be interpreted and applied by early Christians—particularly in relation to the central role that it plays in the Acts 2 (Pentecost) episode. At the same time, we will explore the range of contemporary Jewish traditions that influence and inform this new understanding (among early Christians) of the festival’s significance.

    • References above marked “Davila” are to James R. Davila, Liturgical Works, Eerdmans Commentaries on the Dead Sea Scrolls (2000).
    • Unless otherwise noted, translations of the Qumran texts are from Florentino García Martínez & Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, 2 vols. (Brill / Eerdmans: 1997-8). 
    • Quoted translations of the book of Jubilees are by O. S. Wintermute in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha [OTP], ed. James H. Charlesworth, vol. 2, Anchor Bible Reference Library [ABRL] (1985).

 

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Shavuot/Weeks (Part 1)

Weeks (Shavuot)

This is the latest installment of a periodic series examining the ancient Israelite (and Jewish) festivals—their origins, ancient practice, development within Jewish tradition, and their relation to early Christianity. The first set of articles dealt with the festival of Passover (Part 1, 2, 3, 4).

Name and Origin

The designation “weeks” is a loose English translation of the Hebrew plural noun toub%v* (š¹»¥±ô¾). The noun is derived from the root ubv, indicating the number seven (ub^v#, hu*b=v!); it denotes a period of seven days, thus corresponding with a “week” of days in English parlance. In Exodus 34:22, there is mention of a “festival of seven-day periods” (toub%v* gj^), utilizing the noun gj^, as a specialized term for a processional or pilgrimage festival—that is, involving a procession of pilgrims attending the festival at a centralized location. It is one of three such festivals mentioned in Exodus 23:14-17 and 34:18-24. The festival is sometimes referred to as Shavuot, an anglicized transliteration (š¹»¥±ô¾) of the plural noun toub%v*. Greek-speaking Jews came to refer to the festival as penthkosth/ (pent¢kost¢¡), the “fiftieth (day)” (see below).

Like the Passover festival, the festival of “Weeks” has agricultural origins, marking the time of the (wheat) harvest. This is clear from the name given in Exod 23:16, “festival of the gathering [i.e. harvest],” where the noun ryx!q*, refers to the gathering/collecting of the grain (and binding it in sheaves). It specifically refers to the beginning of the harvest, as the qualifying phrase indicates: “the first-fruits [<yr!WKB!] of your activities [spec. works/labors] which you have sown in the field”. In 34:22, the wheat (plur. <yF!j!) harvest is specified.

As a pilgrimage festival (gj^), all adult males are expected to travel to the central religious shrine of the Community, and to appear before YHWH (“be seen before [the] face of the Lord YHWH”, 23:17; 34:23). This implies the presentation of sacrificial offerings, dedicated to YHWH, at the shrine. The short notices in Exodus make no mention of any specific offerings that are required. However, Leviticus 23:15-21 provides detailed instructions for the grain offering that represents the “first-fruits” of the harvest, in the form of two baked loaves that are to be waved ([Wn, noun hp*WnT=) back and forth, in a ritual manner, before YHWH (vv. 16b-17). Other offerings of sacrificial animals (seven year-old lambs, two rams, one bull) are prescribed, as burnt offerings from the Community, along with a sin-offering (he-goat), and a <l#v# offering [cf. chap. 3] (two year-old lambs), accompanied by the required grain and drink offerings (vv. 18-20). Numbers 28:26-31 gives similar instructions. These elaborate sacrificial offerings unquestionably represent a development of an earlier (simpler) ritual tradition associated with the harvest.

Leviticus 23:15-16a also indicates the time-frame for the festival, as it came to be established. Once the first sheaf of grain from the harvest is presented as an offering before YHWH (vv. 9-14), seven šabbats (totB*v^), or ‘weeks’, are counted off (v. 15), resulting in a period of 49 days—to which an additional day is counted (the day after the final ‘week’), viz., the fiftieth day (v. 16). It is this tradition which led to the festival of Weeks/Shavuot being called the “fiftieth (day)” (penthkosth/ [pent¢kost¢¡] in Greek).

In the Levitical code, as in the older Exodus traditions (see above), the festival of Weeks/Shavuot is closely connected with the festival of Passover and the days of ‘unleavened bread’. Following the instructions for Passover (vv. 4-8), the ritual offering for the first sheaf of grain is described (vv. 9-14), and then the instruction regarding the harvest festival (Weeks/Shavuot) itself (vv. 15-21) is given.

The offering of the first sheaf is to be made on the “day after the šabbat [i.e. Sabbath]” (v. 15)—but which šabbat is meant? The connection with the Passover, in light of its agricultural origins, seems to suggest that the šabbat day immediately following the days of Unleavened Bread is intended. However, a different line of rabbinical interpretation understands this šabbat in a more general, symbolic sense, applying it to the first day of the Unleavened Bread festival. Thus, the counting would begin from the second day of that festival (Nisan 16), with the festival of Weeks/Shavuot then being celebrated on Sivan 6. This allows for celebration on a fixed day of the calendar, whereas the beginning of harvest itself could occur on various days from year to year.

Deuteronomy 16:9-12 provides a simpler presentation of the festival. It mentions only a voluntary offering (hb*d*n+) from each person/family, based on one’s means (and the success of the harvest). How this relates to the prescribed offerings of Lev 23:16-20 par may be debated.

Old Testament Tradition

There is no other direct reference to the festival of Weeks/Shavuot in the Old Testament Scriptures. However, there is a longstanding tradition, connecting the time/date of the festival with the establishment of the covenant at Sinai. The chronological notice in Exodus 19:1 provides the basis for this association, as it indicates that the people of Israel arrived in the Sinai outback in the third month—which is the month (“new moon”) during which Weeks/Shavuot would have been celebrated. The revelation at Sinai (chap. 19) and the giving of the initial Torah (chaps. 20-23), followed by the ratification of the covenant (chap. 24), thus, according to tradition, were thought to correspond to the time of the festival.

Similarly, 2 Chronicles 15:8-15 mentions a covenant-renewal ceremony, during the reign of Asa, which took place during the third month, doubtless under the influence of the Sinai Covenant Tradition. It may well be that this ceremony took place during the Weeks/Shavuot festival, even as the dedication of the Temple in the reign of Solomon (1 Kings 8 par) took place in connection with Sukkot. The pilgrimage festivals would the best time for such a large public ceremony, when considerable numbers of people would be present in Jerusalem.

This basic line of tradition, associating the third month (and thus Weeks/Shavuot) with the covenant between God and His people, can also be seen in the book of Jubilees (2nd century B.C.). This work presents not only the Sinai covenant (1:1), but also the Noahic (6:10) and Abrahamic (14:1ff) covenants, as being established in the third month. The Sinai covenant tradition also informs the Pentecost narrative in Acts 2, as we shall examine in Part 3 of this article.

In Part 2, we shall further explore the festival of Weeks/Shavuot in Jewish tradition, focusing on references and allusions to the festival in the Qumran texts.

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Sukkot (Part 2)

Sukkot in Israelite and Jewish Tradition

Note: In 2024, Sukkot is celebrated October 16-23.

As the last of the three major agricultural festivals of the year (cf. the discussion in Part 1), Sukkot/Booths held a particular place of prominence in the religious life and culture of ancient Israel. This certainly was the case in the Post-Exilic period (see the references from Ezra-Nehemiah discussed in Part 1), but probably held true in Pre-Exilic times as well. It may explain why Sukkot was chosen as the festal occasion at which the inauguration of the Temple was celebrated (1 Kings 8; par 2 Chron 5:2-10ff; cf. also 1 Kings 12:32f). Sukkot, along with Passover, was specifically designated as a “festival to YHWH” or the “festival of YHWH” (Lev 23:39, 41; Num 29:12; cp. Exod 12:14; 13:6; and see Hos 9:5); the same expression in Judg 21:19 may also refer to Sukkot/Booths.

In Ezekiel 45:23ff, Sukkot is simply referred to as “the Festival” (gj*h#), which may be an indication of its special importance in Post-Exilic times (but see also 1 Kings 8:2, 65, and note above). The references to Sukkot in Ezra-Nehemiah indicate that its significance had moved beyond the festival’s agricultural origins, or even the association with the Exodus journeys (with the symbolic construction of ceremonial shelters [toKs%]). This festival, in particular, came to represent the people’s devotion to the Torah and the covenant with YHWH. An early example of this can be seen in Nehemiah 8:13-18, where the eight days of Sukkot featured public reading “in (the) account [i.e. book] of the Instruction of God [<yh!l)a$h^ tr^oT]” (v. 18). This ceremonial activity was apparently inspired by the directive in Deut 31:10-13, where the Instruction (hr*oT) refers to the book of Deuteronomy itself.

This association with the Torah and the covenant raises the possibility that the festival setting referred to in Psalm 81 (v. 4 [3]) is Sukkot. More likely, given the immediate context of the Exodus traditions (vv. 6-8 [5-7] ff), is a reference to Passover; though it is possible that Psalm 81 could have been sung during other festivals as well. The Hallel Psalms (113-118) were certainly sung as part of the liturgy for the festivals of Passover, Weeks, and Sukkot/Booths. The practice probably dates from the Second Temple period, if not earlier. In this light, one may ask whether Psalm 118:26-27 refers specifically to the celebration of Sukkot.

Psalm 118

There is unquestionably a festal orientation to Psalm 118, including what seems to be a processional setting in the final section of the Psalm (vv. 19-29). The original setting and background to this Psalm has plausibly been established as the king’s return to Jerusalem following a military victory, which would have been occasion for a grand celebration. This would be consonant with the royal background that is clearly evident in many of the Psalms. At the same time, the majority of these compositions were almost certainly edited and adapted so as to make the Psalms more suitable to the communal worship and liturgy of later generations. With regard to the festivals, of course, there is no reason why a king could not blend royal and national-political concerns together with the ritual of religious celebrations. Indeed, the festival of Sukkot served as the occasion for just such a combination of religious and political interests, during the reigns of Solomon and Jeroboam (1 Kings 8; 12:32f).

Of particular interest are verses 26-27, not least because of their application within the Gospel tradition of Jesus’ ‘Triumphal Entry’ into Jerusalem. These lines read:

“Blessed (be) the (one) coming in (the) name of YHWH;
we bless you from (within the) house of YHWH.
(The) Mighty (One) YHWH,
indeed He has shone light for us;
bind (the) festal (place) with weavings,
adorn (the) horns of (the) place of slaughter.”

Originally, the one “coming in the name of YHWH” may have been the king, but eventually the scenario was applied to pilgrims coming to Jerusalem (and the Temple) for the festival. The emphasis on the altar (j^B@z+m!, lit. place of [ritual] slaughter) could allude to the many sacrificial offerings that would take place at the Temple during Sukkot (cf. Num 29:12ff). However, the noun gj^ in verse 27 is somewhat problematic. Normally, the noun refers to the festival itself, so how does one bind (vb rs^a*) the festival with woven (garland)s (<yt!b)u&)?

In at least one reference (Exod 23:18), the term gj^ seems to denote the sacrificial offering(s) of the festival, and v. 27b of the Psalm has frequently been translated with this in mind. Reading du in the last line as the preposition du^, the couplet could be translated:

“Bind the festal (offering) with woven (cord)s,
up to (the) horns of (the) place of slaughter.”

However, the parallelism of the couplet makes it more likely that du (in the MT) represents a truncated imperative of the verb hd*u* II (“adorn”), in which case the line refers to decorating the horns of the altar; the parallelism would then require that the first line refers to tying woven (garlands?) around the place where the festival was being celebrated (presumably the area around the altar; cp. 1 Kings 8:64). Dahood (p. 160) alleviates the difficulty somewhat by redividing <ytbub gj as <ytbu bgj, understanding the noun bgj (µgb) as cognate with Syriac µugb¹ (“shrine,” cp. Arabic µij¹b); the line would then be: “bind (the) shrine with woven (garland)s”.

The relation of Psalm 118:26-27 to the ‘Triumphal Entry’ of Jesus, along with the possibility that the historical episode occurred during Sukkot/Booths (rather than Passover), will be discussed in Part 3.

Zechariah 14:16-19

The most notable reference to Sukkot in the later Scriptures of the post-Exilic period, is Zechariah 14:16-19. Chapter 14 (and the final vv. 16-21 of this chapter) mark the climax to the eschatological oracles of the second half of Zechariah (so-called Deutero-Zechariah, chaps. 9-14). It is quite possible that the imagery and thematic emphasis in chap. 14 is inspired by a comparable eschatological series of oracles at the end of the first half of the book (chap. 8).

The oracle[s] in chap. 14 present the Judgment on the nations, at the end of the current Age, followed by the inauguration of the new Age, in which the remnant (i.e., those who survive) among the nations will join with the faithful ones of Israel in worshiping YHWH. This represents a developed form of certain key eschatological themes occurring in Prophetic texts from the Exilic and post-Exilic periods, and a seminal form of which may already be attested in Prophetic poems and Psalms from the late Kingdom period. The theme of the nations worshiping YHWH—and coming to Jerusalem to join with Israel in this worship—occurs in a number of Isaian (and/or Deutero-Isaian) passages (e.g., 2:2-4 [par Mic 4:1-4]; 56:3-8; chap. 60). As noted above, the theme also occurs at the conclusion of first half of Zechariah (8:22-23).

All of this takes place after the judgment on the nations—a development of the Prophetic “day of YHWH” tradition, in which YHWH brings judgment/punishment against a particular nation or people. In the Exilic (and post-Exilic period), this “day of YHWH” theme from the nation/judgment oracles came to take on an eschatological form, whereby all of the nations would be judged together, collectively. Joel 4[3]:1-16 is a good example of this, framing the Judgment as a dramatic military scenario. The opening verses of Zech 14 (vv. 1-5) share with Ezekiel 38f the specific setting of a great war in which the surrounding nations gather together to invade Israel/Judah and to lay siege to the city of Jerusalem. This eschatological war, of course, reflects earlier historical invasions by the Assyrians and Babylonians, by which God brought down Judgment against the people of Israel/Judah. Much the same will occur at the end-time, only the attack on Judah/Jerusalem, from which a remnant will survive (vv. 2ff), is to be followed by a response from YHWH Himself against the attacking nations (vv. 3-5).

This great Judgment essentially marks the end of the current Age, and the beginning of the New Age (vv. 6-21). In addition to the remnant of Israel/Judah, the surviving remnant of the nations will be converted to the worship of YHWH, according to the eschatological theme noted above. This situation reflects the universal Kingship of YHWH over the entire earth (v. 9); no longer will the nations worship other deities, as before, but instead will join with Israel in acknowledging and worshiping YHWH alone (vv. 16ff). This new religious orientation of the surrounding nations is represented, particularly, by the observation of the Sukkot festival:

“And it shall be (that) every (one) left over from all the nations—th(ose) coming against Yerushalaim—shall even go up, year by year, to bow down to King YHWH of (the) Armies, and to celebrate the celebration of Booths [Sukkot].” (v. 16)

There is a suggestion that this attendance is compulsory on the nations. Certainly, it is required of them no less than it is of Israel; severe punishment will result in the failure to make the pilgrimage (gj^) to celebrate (vb gg~j*) the festival (vv. 17-19). The use of the verb hl*u* (“go/come up”) itself alludes to the pilgrimage to Jerusalem; ironically, the nations that came upon Jerusalem (as attackers) now will come up to the city as pilgrims.

The entirety of the land will be purified and made holy to YHWH, in the New Age (vv. 6-10); this also applies to the people, and to their religious devotion and worship. In particular, the city of Jerusalem, location of the Temple sanctuary, will be sanctified (vv. 20-21). The nations, at least to some extent, will join with the purified people of God in this New Age.

It is interesting to consider why the festival of Sukkot was particularly chosen to represent this universal worship of YHWH. As noted above (cf. also in Part 1), it does seem that Sukkot held special importance and prominence, among all the festivals, during the post-Exilic period (if not earlier). It could be designated simply as “the festival of YHWH”, or simply “the festival”, which could mean the pre-eminent festival. Thus, this prominence, along with it being the last of the three great Pilgrimage festivals, makes it a suitable setting for the attendance of the nations in Jerusalem.

It may also be that the end-of-year harvest setting of the festival itself made it a natural fit for the eschatological scenario presented in chapter 14. Indeed, the harvest, representing the end of agricultural (season/yearly) cycle, was an apt symbol for the end of the Age. The ingathering of the harvest thus symbolizes the gathering in of the nations; it is also a time for judgment/division, as the fruit of the crop is separated from all extraneous vegetation (i.e., the ‘wheat’ from the ‘chaff’). Similarly, at the end-time ‘harvest’, the righteous/faithful ones are separated from the wicked. For examples of the harvest as an eschatological motif, see Joel 4[3]:13ff; Jer 50:16; 51:33; Matt 3:12 par; 13:30, 40-43; Mark 4:29; Rev 14:14-20; cf. also Hos 6:11; Matt 9:37-38 par; Jn 4:35; James 3:18.

Sukkot in Jewish Tradition

See the survey by Jeffrey L. Rubenstein, A History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, Brown Judaic Studies (Brown University: 2020), pp. 31-102.

A notable detail in Zech 14:16-19 is the association of the Sukkot festival with rain. One of the penalties for failing to make the pilgrimage to celebrate Sukkot is that, for those nations, “the rain [<v#G#] will not come to be upon them” (v. 17). This association with rain is fundamental to the agricultural origins (and setting) of the festival. The fall harvest (usually mid-October) preceded the winter rains, which were necessary for viable agriculture throughout much of the Near East (including Israel/Palestine). Sukkot thus represented a transitional moment—marking both the end of the spring/summer growing season (i.e., the harvest), and the coming of the rains necessary for next year’s season. It was natural that prayer for rain, and celebration in expectation of the coming rain, would take place during Sukkot.

Interestingly, while rain (in its season) is part of the promised blessings from YHWH (e.g., Lev 26:4), the association of rain with the Sukkot festival is largely absent from the Scriptural references. There is a definite allusion in the Prayer of Solomon (set at the dedication of the Temple, at the time of Sukkot) in 1 Kings 8 (cf. verses 35-36), but, apart from the reference here in Zech 14:17ff, any ritual prayer/celebration for rain, associated with Sukkot, is not mentioned. However, by the first century A.D., water/rain was clearly become a key component of the festal celebration. We can see this, for example, in the Biblical Antiquities of Pseudo-Philo. Chapter 13 of that work summarizes briefly the events and Torah-content of Exodus 35-40, including instruction regarding celebration of the festivals (cf. Lev 23); Sukkot is mentioned in verse 7, with direction for its celebration echoing Lev 23:40, but also with the much more prominent emphasis on God’s promise to provide abundant rain (in its season):

“…And I will remember the whole earth with rain, and the measure of the seasons will be established, and I will…command the clouds…and there will be a thunderstorm. And this will be an everlasting sign; and the nights will yield dew, as I said after the flooding of the earth.”
(translation by D. J. Harrington, in Charlesworth OTP, 2:321)

The association with rain is also prominent in early Rabbinic tradition. For example, the Mishnah/Talmud attests to the tradition of prayers for rain (Taanit 1.1; Sukkah [Tosephta] 3.18; Rosh Hashanah 1.3), suggesting that it was a well-established custom, going back (probably) to the first centuries B.C./A.D. There was also a specific ritual during the festival, involving water, drawn from the pool of Siloam, that was brought (in a procession) to the Temple where it was poured out on the altar (Rosh Hashanah 4.9; Middot 2.7; cf. Sukkah [Tosephta] 3.3[4], 14, 16). Cf. the discussion (on Zech 14:17) by Meyers and Meyers (p. 473). As we shall see (in Part 3), this water/rain association provides the cultural and conceptual background for certain motifs in the Sukkot-Discourse of Jesus in John 7-8.

There are relatively few direct references to Sukkot in the intertestamental Jewish literature. The prominence of the festival (noted above, and in Part 1), and its setting (in 1 Kings 8, cf. also 12:32ff) for the dedication of the Temple, certainly informs the historical tradition in 2 Maccabees 10:5-8, whereby the re-dedication of the Temple sanctuary was celebrated after the pattern of the Sukkot festival. On the importance of Sukkot in the Maccabean period, cf. also 1 Macc 10:21; 2 Macc 1:18. We can also see the importance of the festival by the fact that, in the book of Jubilees (2nd century B.C.), Abraham is depicted as celebrating Sukkot (16:20-31, at Beer-sheba, cf. Gen 21) long before the institution of the festival in the time of Moses; in 32:4ff, Jacob celebrates the festival in an even more grandiose manner.

While the Community of the Qumran texts certainly would have celebrated Sukkot, there are precious view references (or allusions) to the festival in the texts themselves. One section of the Temple Scroll (11QTemple[19]), 27:10-29:1, provides instruction for the sacrificial offerings of the festival. In 42:4-17, the place on the Temple edifice for constructing the sukkot (booths/huts) is described; see also 44:6ff for sukkot locations allotted to each tribe. It has been suggested that the highly fragmentary liturgical text 4Q502 could be associated with Sukkot, though other festal/celebratory occasions are perhaps just as likely (cf. the commentary and translation of this text in James R. Davila, Liturgical Works, Eerdmans Commentaries on the Dead Sea Scrolls [2000], pp. 181-207).

There are naturally references to Sukkot in the works of Philo of Alexandria (see On the Special Laws I.189f; II.204-14); of particular interest is his partial description of a contemporary Sukkot celebration (in Alexandria) in Flaccus §§116-24. Josephus also provides some references (e.g., Antiquities 3.244ff; 8.100ff; 13.242, 303ff, 372; 15.50; Wars 1.73; 2.515; 6.301) that attest to the importance of Sukkot in the first centuries B.C./A.D., and the care with which it was celebrated. A few details regarding actual practice and ritual of the ceremonies, of the festival in the first century A.D. (generally contemporary with the New Testament), may also be gleaned from these references.

The Mishnah (and Talmud) tractate Sukkah is devoted to the festival. As with the Mishnah and Tosephta generally, these texts contain a wealth of information, including traditions which may go back to first centuries B.C./A.D. (or even earlier). The traditions recorded in Sukkah must be used with caution when attempting to reconstruct how the festival might have been celebrated in Palestine (and Jerusalem) in the time of Jesus; however, as noted above, certain details and points of emphasis are corroborated by other Jewish writings of the period.

In Part 3, we will explore Sukkot in the New Testament, focusing primarily on: (1) Sukkot in relation to the ‘Triumphal Entry’ of Jesus, and the ‘Cleansing’ of the Temple; and (2) the great Sukkot Discourse-complex of John 7-8.

References marked “Dahood” above are to Mitchell Dahood, S.J., Psalms III: 101-150, Anchor Bible [AB], vol. 17A (1970).
Those marked “Meyers and Meyers” are to Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, Anchor Bible [AB], vol. 25C (1993).

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Sukkot (Part 1)

Sukkot

This is the second installment of a periodic series examining the ancient Israelite (and Jewish) festivals—their origins, ancient practice, development within Jewish tradition, and their relation to early Christianity. The first set of articles (earlier this year) dealt with the festival of Passover (Part 1, 2, 3, 4). This current set will explore the festival of Sukkot, which is celebrated at this time of the year.

Name and Origin

The name Sukkot is a transliteration of the Hebrew toKs% (s¥kkô¾), a plural form of the noun hK*s%, from the root iks which has the fundamental meaning “block off, cover”. The noun refers simply to a covering, usually in the sense of a protective dwelling or shelter; the related noun Es) has essentially the same meaning, and may be viewed as a byform of the same word. The word hK*s%, in spite of being a common noun, is relatively rare in the Old Testament, at least when it is used in the general sense of a shelter—cf. Gen 33:17; 2 Sam 11:11; 22:12; 1 Ki 20:12, 16; Job 27:18; Isa 1:8; Jonah 4:5, etc. At least as often, it is used in the specific context of the festival under discussion here (Lev 23:34ff; 2 Chron 8:13, etc).

The name derives from the practice of families and individuals setting up temporary (and ceremonial) shelters (toKs%) to dwell in during the festival. In English, the Hebrew term is often translated loosely as “booths” (i.e., festival of Booths), though the more traditional rendering is the archaic (and rather inappropriate) “Tabernacles”.

Even though the name Sukkot (toKs%) came to be traditional designation for the festival among Israelites, the earliest (historical) tradition clearly indicates the festival’s origins. In the instructions (Torah) given in the book of Exodus, it is called the festival of “the gathering” ([ys!a*h*), Exod 23:16; 34:22. All of the three major pilgrimage festivals—Passover, Weeks, and Sukkot/Booths—were originally agricultural festivals, tied to specific points of the harvest season. This is quite clear from the instruction in Exod 23:13-16; 34:22-24.

The festival of Sukkot/Booths celebrates the “gathering”, in reference to the end of the harvest generally, but also specifically to the gathering of the grapes and olives which marks the end of the season (in the late summer/early fall). This occurred during the seventh month, Nissan, which corresponds to a period in September-October of our calendar. The festival was held over an eight-day period, 15-22 Nissan, following the harvest (Lev 23:33, 39; Deut 16:13; Num 29:12ff).

Ancient Practice and the Torah

The instruction for the festivals in the book of Leviticus (chapter 23) provides some basic information on how Sukkot/Booths is to be celebrated (vv. 33-43). The first and last days of the festival are marked by a “call to holy (observance)” (vd#q) ar*q=m!), which means that the time (and space) is to be kept pure and set apart, so that no ordinary labor is to be done (v. 35-36). This sets the boundaries and establishes the sacred character of the festival: its time belongs to YHWH (vv. 39, 41), and should be devoted to worship. In particular, a sacrificial offering (“[by] fire”) is to be presented to God on each day (v. 36).

The second component of the festival is described in verse 40. The people are to take leafy branches from various trees (lit. “tree[s] of splendor”), and use them in joyful acts (vb jm^c*) of celebration and worship “before YHWH”. The palm-tree and brook-willow are specifically mentioned as sources of these branches; they presumably they were to be waved about as part of the rejoicing.

The final component involved the construction of temporary shelters (toKs%), the significance of which is explained:

“In s¥kkô¾ [i.e., shelters] you shall sit [i.e. dwell] (for the) seven days; (all) th(ose) grown up in Yisrael [i.e. native Israelites] shall sit in the s¥kkô¾. (This is so that) as a result, (the) circles of your (descendants) may know that I made (the) sons of Yisrael to sit in s¥kkô¾ in my bringing them forth from (the) land of Egypt. I (am) YHWH your Mighty (One).” (vv. 42-43)

The shelters thus represent and symbolize God’s providential care for the people during their Exodus-journeying out of Egypt. The shelter-coverings, by the very meaning of the word hK*s% (cf. above), allude to protection, to the “blocking out” of the elements, etc. There may also be a bit of wordplay involved, since the homonym Sukkoth is also the name of first stopping-point on the Exodus journey (according to Exod 12:37).

An interesting final detail is that the eighth (final) day of the festival is specifically referred to by the term hr*x*u&, indicating that, as with the first day, the time was sacred (like the Sabbath) and that no ordinary work/labor was to be performed (v. 36). The precise meaning of hr*x*u& here, however, is uncertain. The basic meaning of the root rxu is something like “hold back, restrain, detain”. Probably the significance of the term in relation to the eighth day of the festival is that the people should refrain from doing work; however, it has also been suggested that the idea of the people being ‘detained’ for an additional (eighth) day was intended.

In Numbers 29:12-38, there is additional instruction given for the observance of Sukkot, devoted to descriptions of the prescribed sacrificial offerings for each day. The brief instruction in Deuteronomy 16:16-17 includes the detail that all adult males shall appear before YHWH (in Jerusalem) for the festival, along with the principle that each person shall give an offering as he is able, according to the extent to which God has blessed him and his family. In Deut 31:10-13, the festival of Sukkot is marked as the occasion when “this Instruction [Torah],” referring to the book of Deuteronomy itself, is to be read out before the people.

There is no specific indication of the festival of Sukkot being celebrated prior to the Kingdom-period (cf. the notice in Neh 8:17). According to 1 Kings 8:2ff, it was celebrated, in a grandiose manner, by Solomon, when it was utilized as the setting for the inauguration of the newly-built Temple in Jerusalem. As would be fitting for the importance of the occasion, an additional seven days were added to the prescribed seven for the festival, doubling its length to fourteen, after which the eighth/final day was celebrated (v. 65). In the separatist Northern kingdom, under Jeroboam, the Sukkot festival was celebrated in Bethel, rather than in Jerusalem, for obvious reasons (12:32).

Apart from brief notices or allusions to Sukkot in Hosea 12:9 and Lamentations 2:6-7, the only other Old Testament references come from the early post-Exilic period. Celebration of the festival is mentioned in Ezra 3:4, as part of a program of restoration and reform, which entailed both the rebuilding of the Temple (with its ritual/sacrificial apparatus) and a renewed adherence to observing the Torah. Once the Temple and its altar were rebuilt, the prescribed sacrifices for the festival (cf. above) could be offered (cp. 2 Chron 8:13). A more detailed description of the celebration of Sukkot is mentioned in Nehemiah 8:13-18, more or less following precisely the Levitical instruction regarding the festival (cf. above). Branches of olive, myrtle, and palm trees are specifically mentioned (cp. Lev 23:40). It is also noted that the shelters (toKs%) were constructed variously on the rooftops and in the courtyards of individual homes, but also in the courts of the Temple and in the public squares at two of the city gates, presumably to allow for additional access to the ceremonial shelters by the population (v. 16). Also, in accordance with the Deuteronomic directive (Deut 31:11-13), the author mentions that the “Book of the Instruction [Torah] of God” (i.e., Deuteronomy) was read out loud before the people during the festival.

In Part 2, I will examine the influence of Sukkot, both within the Old Testament, and in the subsequent early Jewish tradition. Particular attention will be focused on the important reference in Zechariah 14, and on the possible setting of the festival for a number of the Psalms (esp. Psalm 118).

 

 

 

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Passover (Part 4)

Passover—Part 4:
Early Christian Tradition

Note: This belated article concludes a series begun earlier this year (cf. Parts 1, 2, and 3); I regret not having the opportunity to post it in a more timely manner.

Paul and the New Testament

It is somewhat surprising that, apart from the Gospels, the festival of Passover (and its symbolism) is hardly mentioned in the New Testament at all. There is a passing historical notice in Acts 12:4, and the author of Hebrews mentions the original historical tradition (and Exodus narrative, cf. Part 1) in 11:28, but without touching upon the typology and symbolism in relation to the death of Jesus (Part 3).

It may be assumed that the earliest Christians—specifically the Jewish Christians in Judea and Syria-Palestine—continued to celebrate the Passover festival in the traditional manner. Christian elements, based on the Gospel Tradition, may have been added to the celebration, but there is no clear evidence for this. There are several allusions to Paul celebrating the festivals (Acts 20:16; 1 Cor 16:8), but these are not entirely unambiguous, and, in any case, Passover is not mentioned in this regard.

The only significant reference to Passover in the New Testament (outside of the Gospels) is by Paul in 1 Corinthians 5:6-8. The way in which he draws upon the Passover tradition here suggests that it has been ‘spiritualized’, with no idea at all about the Corinthians actually celebrating the Jewish festival; rather, one ‘celebrates’ the festival only in the ethical-religious sense of removing the ‘leaven’ of sin and immorality. This is not so very different from Philo of Alexandria’s interpretation, such as in On the Preliminary Studies (§169), where he interprets the leaven as symbolizing “the sweetnesses of the pleasures according to the body, or the light and unsubstantial elations of the soul,” which are “by their own intrinsic nature profane and unholy” (Yonge translation). Philo makes this statement (cf. also On the Special Laws I.291-3) in the context of the sacrificial regulations (in Lev 2:11), but it could apply just as well to Passover and the festival of Unleavened bread. For more on Philo’s allegorical and ethical-philosophical interpretation of Passover, cf. the discussion in Part 2.

The context in which Paul makes his Passover reference is the issue of sexual immorality, and the specific case, addressed in chapter 5 (vv. 1-5). Paul attacks the willingness of the Corinthians to tolerate immorality and to continue associating with a person engaged in such behavior. He clearly is not limiting his instruction to a particular kind of sin only, as the general instruction in vv. 9-12 makes clear. He ends his instruction with the strong exhortation for the Corinthians to “take out [i.e. remove] the evil (person) from you (your)selves” (v. 13), which would be an application of the Passover symbolism of removing the leaven (v. 7).

Let us consider briefly Paul’s specific use of the Passover tradition in vv. 6-8. He begins:

“Your boasting (is) not good. Have you not seen that a little fermentation [zu/mh] ferments [zumoi=] the whole mass of dough?”

The Greek word zu/mh (“fermenting, fermentation”) in the LXX translates both ra)c= (the leavening agent) and Jm@j* (the sourdough that has been leavened), and is used in the instructions for Passover in Exodus 12-13 (12:15, 19; 13:3, 7). The natural process of working the fermenting agent throughout a mass of dough (fu/rama) is utilized as an ethical-religious illustration, much as Philo uses the same imagery (cf. above). Interestingly, in the Gospel tradition, in the teachings of Jesus, leaven can serve as both a negative (Mk 8:15 par) and positive (Matt 13:33 / Lk 13:21) symbol.

The ethical-religious exhortation, applying the leaven-symbolism, comes in verse 7:

“Clean out the old fermentation [zu/mh], (so) that you might be a new mass of dough [fu/rama], just as you are without fermentation [a&zumoi].”

Paul states that the Corinthian believers are, themselves, “without leaven” (a&zumoi), which refers to their corporate status as believers in Christ, the emphasis being on their identity as a community of believers. In this regard the “leaven” refers to an instance of (individual) sin which, if unchecked, can infect the entire community. Paul uses the same proverbial saying regarding leaven in Gal 5:9, where his concern, though involving different issues, was also that the community of believers would become distorted through the teaching and influence of certain individuals. The “new mass of dough” refers to the cleansed community—purged of the instance of immorality that had not been dealt with properly (within the community), and by which sin had thus been allowed to take root. Such leaven is called “old” (palaio/$) because it represents a vestige of the old way of life, before the Corinthian believers came to trust in Jesus, when they would have willingly followed the sinful ways and habits of the society around them.

“For our Pesaµ, (the) Anointed, has been slaughtered; so then, let us celebrate the festival, not with old fermentation [zu/mh], and not with fermentation of badness and evil, but with (bread) without fermentation [plur. a&zumoi] of clear judgment and (the) truth.” (vv. 7b-8)

Here Paul alludes more clearly to the Passover festival. Once the lamb has been slaughtered (vb qu/w), on the afternoon of Passover Eve (14 Nisan), then it will be time for the people to celebrate the festival in the evening. Paul’s reference to the sacrificial death of Jesus, in the context here, probably relates to the idea that the death of Jesus served to free believers from their bondage to the power of sin (cf. my recent notes on Rom 6:1-11 and 7:6). One no longer need to follow the old ways of sin and immorality, nor to tolerate them within the Community. Instead of the “old” way of the leaven of sin, believers should follow the “new” way in Christ.

In v. 7, Paul declared that believers themselves were “without leaven” (plur. adj. a&zumoi); here he states that believers should celebrate the Passover festival (symbolically) with bread that is “without leaven” (same plural adjective, a&zumoi). Clearly Paul is referring to the eating of unleavened bread in the Passover meal, and of Passover as marking the beginning of the festival of Unleavened bread (cf. the discussion in Part 1). There is no suggestion that the Corinthian Christians (or any believers, for that matter) need to actually celebrate the Jewish festival; rather, the celebration is figurative and symbolic, occurring at the ethical (and spiritual) level. This celebration done with ‘bread’ of clear judgment (ei)likrinh/$) and the truth (a)lh/qeia) is reminiscent of the saying of Jesus in John 4:23-24 (on which, cf. my recent note).

By identifying Jesus with the Passover lamb that is slaughtered, Paul is making an association that is not part of the Synoptic Gospel tradition. However, as we have seen, it is part of the Johannine Gospel tradition (cf. the discussion in Part 3), and the reference by Paul here indicates that other Christians (and groups of believers) had made the same connection. It is even possible that Paul shared with the Johannine Gospel the idea that Jesus’ death occurred on the afternoon of Passover Eve (14 Nisan), more or less at the same time that the lambs were being slaughtered.

The book of Revelation seems specifically to follow the Johannine tradition with its prominent identification of Jesus as the Lamb of God (Jn 1:29, 36). This imagery first appears in the throne vision of chap. 5, where it is central to the scene (vv. 6ff; 6:1). Of particular importance in the book of Revelation is the connection between the lamb-motif and the sacrificial death of Jesus—both by referring specifically to the Lamb being slain (5:6, 12; 13:8), and by references to its blood (7:14; 12:11; and note the wine-blood imagery [emphasizing the coming Judgment] in 14:11ff). These references to the lamb being slain probably derive primarily from the Passover tradition, though there may also be influence from Isa 53:7-8 (cf. Acts 8:32ff), as well as from the broader tradition of sacrificial offerings (cf. again the discussion in Part 3).

Another possible allusion to the Passover lamb is found in 1 Peter 1:19, where the blood of Jesus is compared to that of a lamb “without blemish [a&mwmo$] and without spot [a&spilo$]”. While such a description (with the use of the adjective a&mwmo$) is more common to the sacrificial offerings (for sin, etc), as detailed in Lev 1:3, etc, it also applies to the Passover lamb (Exod 12:5).

Passover in late-1st and 2nd century Christianity

In the writings of the so-called Apostolic Fathers (c. 90-160 A.D.), there are almost no references or allusions to Passover at all (cf. Diognetus 12:9). Probably the earliest discussion of note is found in Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, where he discusses the true nature of the Passover, according to the Christian interpretation. The Passover lamb, referred to as “the lamb of God” (Jn 1:29, 36), is identified as a figure-type fulfilled by Jesus Christ through his sacrificial death (§40, cf. also §111). In his debate with Trypho (a Jew), Justin ties observance of the Passover festival to the broader concept of a person’s relationship to the Old Testament/Jewish Law (the Torah regulations), framing the matter in Pauline terms—i.e., one is saved only through faith in Christ, not by observing the Torah (§46).

Gradually, the separation from Judaism led to Christians viewing the celebration of the actual Jewish festival in a negative light. The pseudo-Ignatian letter to the Philippians illustrates this, in the case of Passover, by essentially prohibiting Christians from participating in the Jewish festival—by taking part in it they would be participating with the ones “who killed the Lord and his apostles” (§14).

This reluctance to follow the Jewish festival led to considerable controversy, in the second century, among Christians in different sectors of the Church, regarding the date for celebrating Easter and the timing of when (and how) to commemorate the death of Jesus. Working from the historical Gospel tradition and early (Jewish) Christian practice, Easter was regularly celebrated on the Sunday after the Jewish Passover (14/15 Nisan). Tertullian (in On Fasting §14) is a good representative of the Christian sentiment against continuing to follow the Jewish calendar. He also makes clear that commemoration (through fasting) of Jesus’ death should not take place on a Lord’s Day (Sunday), but on the Friday prior (cf. On Prayer 18, On Baptism 19, De Corona 3).

There were Christians, especially in Asia Minor, who continued to celebrate the death and resurrection of Jesus on 14 Nisan, according to the Jewish calendar, regardless of which day of the week this was; they were referred to as “Quartodecimans”, in reference to the fourteenth day of the month. This practice was in conflict with the developing tradition in other regions. In the minds of many in the Church, there were two problematic points at issue: (1) the prospect of commemorating Jesus’ death on a Sunday (Lord’s Day), and (2) the growing belief that Jesus’ resurrection should (always) be celebrated on the Lord’s Day. The points of tension, and differences in practice, led to protracted controversy (or series of controversies) regarding the determination of the proper date/time for celebrating the death and resurrection of Jesus.

There were numerous attempts at resolving these conflicts. In 154, for example, the distinguished bishop Polycarp (of Smyrna in Asia Minor) discussed the matter at Rome with bishop Anicetus. The situation was complicated by the influence of the Montanists, who celebrated the Pascha (Passover/Easter) on a fixed date (April 7) according to the Egyptian calendar. Bishop Victor of Rome was inclined to the Montanist views, and was also particularly hostile to the ‘judaizing’ practice of the Quartodecimans of Asia Minor. Councils were called in order to establish an orthodox standard, and to exclude the churches in Asia Minor that would not comply. The view of the Asia Minor churches, in response, was ably represented by Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus. Cf. the account of Eusebius, Church History 5.23-25.

There were additional complications related to the precise calculation for the Christian celebration; in these efforts, Christians in the late-2nd century continued to struggle with the legacy of the Jewish Passover festival. There were Christians who continued to follow the Jewish calendar, using 14/15 Nisan as standard. Others used the first full moon of the corresponding month as the standard, or the full moon following the spring equinox. If the full moon fell on a Sunday, then, for some, Easter would need be celebrated on the following Sunday. Notable Christian authors and theologians of the time, such as Melito of Sardis, Clement of Alexandria, and Hippolytus weighed in on the subject; fragments of these writings are preserved in the 7th century Paschal Chronicle and elsewhere. The first Council of Nicea (314) attempted to establish uniformity among the Churches: following the Egyptian practice, Easter was to be celebrated on the Sunday following the first full moon after the spring equinox; this decision was re-affirmed at the council of Antioch in 341, but did not entirely resolve the matter.

The Paschal (Easter) Chronicle itself provides an extensive discussion of the matter, along with tables for the calculation of Easter. Somewhat earlier, the scholar Dionysius Exiguus had produced an “Easter Table”, that proved to be highly influential, following upon the nineteen-year cycle established by Cyril of Alexandria. This table, with extensions of it, came to be adopted by Rome and in much of the West.

All of this history illustrates both the prevailing importance and influence of the Passover festival within Christianity, as well as the struggles of early believers and congregations in dealing with the various implications of this Jewish heritage.

 

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Passover (Part 3)

Passover—Part 3:
Jesus and the Passover

The Gospel tradition

The most notable use of the Passover tradition in the Gospels is historical. That is to say, it relates to the historical tradition that Jesus’ death took place around the time of Passover. This is confirmed by multiple lines of tradition—in both the Synoptic Gospels (Mk 14:1ff par) and the Gospel of John (12:1; 13:1), as well as in subsequent Jewish tradition (e.g., the Talmudic baraitha in b. Sanhedrin 43a). The ‘Last Supper’ was, by all accounts, a celebration of the Passover meal (Mk 14:12-16ff par; Lk 22:15), regardless of how one chooses to deal with the chronological problems between the Synoptic and Johannine narratives. I have treated all of this at some length recently in the “Passion Narrative” series (Episode 2), including a discussion and overview of the chronological issue, and will not be repeating it here. The Lukan version of the Supper is presented rather more clearly as a Passover meal (for more on this, cf. the study on Lk 22:14-38 in the aforementioned series).

In the Synoptic Narrative, Jesus makes just one journey to Jerusalem; however, there is reliable evidence in the Gospels that this was not his only such journey. The Gospel of John alludes to a number of trips to Jerusalem (cf. below), coinciding with the major festivals. Passover (along with the festival of ‘Unleavened bread’) was one of the three pilgrimage festivals (<yG]j^), during which all adult males (at the least) were expected to travel to the central sanctuary (in Jerusalem) to celebrate the festival—cf. Exod 23:14-17; 34:18-23; Deut 16:16f; 2 Chron 8:13; and see the discussion in Parts 1 and 2. In traveling to Jerusalem for the three <yG]j^, Jesus would have been acting like any devout and observant Israelite, and following the example of his own parents, according the tradition Luke narrates in 2:41ff (cf. also vv. 21-24, 39).

Indeed, this is significant for an understanding of the place of the Passover within the Gospel tradition as a whole. We may begin with a brief consideration, again, of the fact that the ‘Last Supper’ was a Passover meal, and that, in holding this meal with his closest disciples, Jesus was celebrating the Passover with them.

As noted above, it is the Lukan Gospel that brings out this association most clearly, both by the way that the meal presented in the narrative (cf. the recent study), and by the words of Jesus in 22:15 (which occur only in Luke’s Gospel). His declaration begins with a Semitic idiom (cognate verbal complement), rendered in Greek, that is almost impossible to translate in English: e)piqumi/a| e)pequ/mhsa, a verb preceded by a (dative) noun from the same root. This syntactic device gives greater intensity and emphasis to the verb. In this instance, the verb is e)piqume/w, which essentially denotes having an impulse (qumo/$) directed toward (lit. upon, e)pi/) something; in English idiom, we would speak of having one’s heart/mind upon something. The related noun e)piqumi/a refers to this impulse. Literally, the two words would be translated something like “with an impulse upon (it), I have set my impulse upon…”; in this case, the sense is better captured in conventional English, respecting the intensive/emphatic purpose of the cognate verbal complement: “I have very much set my heart on…”. I will use this conventional rendering, in idiomatic English, of the first two words as I fill out the translation:

“I have very much set my heart on this Pesaµ [pa/sxa], to eat (it) with you before my suffering [paqei=n].”

There is an obvious wordplay here between pa/sxa, a transliteration of the Hebrew js^P# (pesaµ), and the verb pa/sxw (“suffer”). Philo of Alexandria brings out this same association (cf. the discussion in Part 2), and doubtless it would have been noticed by many Greek-speaking Jews. The verb e)piqume/w also brings in the connotation of “passion,” which, in a religious-ethical context, also contains the idea of suffering.

It is just here that the Passover came to have an entirely new meaning for early Christians, by its connection with the suffering and death of Jesus. Interestingly, the sacrificial language used by Jesus in the ‘words of institution’ for the Supper (Mk 14:24 par; 1 Cor 11:25) derives, not from the Passover tradition, but from the covenant-ratification ceremony in Exodus 24:1-11. The sacrificial offerings in this ceremony included <ym!l*v= offerings, of which only certain parts were burnt on the altar, with the rest of the meat being eaten by the worshiper; indeed, the covenant-ceremony apparently concluded with a ritual meal (v. 11). Like the Passover lamb, the flesh of the <ym!l*v= offerings was eaten, while the blood—at least in the covenant-ritual—was splashed upon both the altar and the people.

The Gospel of John

The Passover tradition is more prominent in the Gospel of John than in the other Gospels. According to the chronology of the Johannine narrative, Jesus was present in Jerusalem for at least three different Passovers, and the Christian interpretation of the festival—specifically in relation to the death of Jesus—was developed in a distinctive way in the Gospel of John. For more on the Johannine theme of Jesus fulfilling, in his person, key aspects of the festivals, cf. parts 8 and 9 of the series “Jesus and the Law”.

John 1:29, 36

In 1:29, and again in v. 36, John the Baptist declares regarding Jesus:

“See, the lamb of God, the (one) taking (up) the sin of the world!”

This is part of the important theme (especially prominent in chaps. 1-3) of John the Baptist as a witness to who Jesus is. Part of this witness involves identifying Jesus as the “lamb” (a)mno/$) of God. Since Jesus is specifically identified with the lamb slain at Passover elsewhere in the Gospel (cf. below), it is naturally for commentators to make the same connection here. Probably this is the primary point of reference intended by the Gospel writer, though one might rightly question whether this would have been the meaning (at the historical level) for John the Baptist. For a concise survey of the interpretive options, cf. the discussion in Brown, pp. 58-63.

How would the Passover lamb have been connected with the idea of “taking away sin”, which more properly refers to a sin offering? There are three factors that may help explain such a connection, within the Gospel tradition, as it was developed.

First, as the Passover lamb came increasingly to be viewed as a sacrificial offering, it was natural that this concept would attract features of other sacrificial offerings—such as the offerings made for sin, or the <ym!l*v= offerings which were more akin (in nature and purpose) to the Passover lamb. Second, central to the Passover tradition were the themes of salvation, liberation from bondage, and protection from God’s judgment—all of which could be applied, figuratively, in relation to sin. There is evidence from Philo of Alexandria’s writings, for example, that Jews in the first centuries B.C./A.D. were already interpreting the Passover tradition in this way. Indeed, his utilization of the pa/sxa/pa/sxw wordplay (cf. above) occurs in just such a context. Egypt represents the passions, which lead people to irrational (and sinful) behavior, while the Passover represents moving away from such passions. And, since sin leads to God’s judgment, one can easily see how the protective blood from the slain lamb can also symbolize removal of the effect of sin (by saving/protection from judgment). Finally, there is the established Gospel tradition of Jesus’ words at the Last Supper, where the blood “poured out” was connected with the removal of sin, by at least the time of Matthew’s Gospel, since the Matthean version (26:28) contains an explicit reference to the forgiveness of sin.

John 2:13-22

In the Johannine version of Jesus’ Temple-action (i.e., the ‘cleansing’ of the Temple), though it is narrated at the beginning of Jesus’ ministry, rather than toward the end (as in the Synoptics), it still takes place around the time of Passover (2:13, 23). Scholars continue to be divided on whether the Gospel of John has relocated the episode to an earlier point in the narrative, or whether the Synoptics have included an earlier Jerusalem episode as part of Jesus’ final time in Jerusalem (since the Synoptic narrative records just one journey to Jerusalem).

The view of some traditional-conservative commentators, that Jesus performed essentially the same Temple-action on two different occasions, has little to recommend it, beyond serving an innate desire to harmonize or explain away the chronological discrepancy.

In the Synoptic version, the connection with Jesus’ death is contextual, occurring as it does so close in time to the Passion-events. By contrast, in the Johannine version, the connection is made explicit—not through the narration of the Temple-action itself, but in the Temple-saying that follows in verses 19ff:

“Loosen [i.e. dissolve/destroy] this shrine, and, in three days, I will raise it.”

This saying is similar to the charge made against Jesus in the Synoptic version of the Sanhedrin interrogation-scene (Mark 14:58/Matt 26:61; cp. Acts 6:14), which, in that narrative, is presented as a false charge, or at least a misrepresentation of what Jesus actually said. According to Jn 2:19, Jesus did, in fact, utter a Temple-saying along these lines. In any case, it is the Gospel writer’s comment in vv. 21-22 that makes the connection with Jesus’ death clear:

“…but he said (this) about the shrine of his body.”

Jesus identifies the Temple with his own person (and body), implying, according to the Johannine theological idiom, that Jesus himself is the true Temple—in contrast to the ordinary/physical Temple in Jerusalem. For more on this subject, cf. Parts 6–7 the series “Jesus and the Law”; just as Jesus represents the true Temple, so he also fulfills, in his own person and being, the true meaning of all the festivals (cf. Parts 8–9 of the aforementioned series).

The Bread of Life Discourse (John 6)

In the Johannine version (6:1-15) of the Miraculous Feeding episode (on which, cf. the articles in the series “Jesus and the Gospel Tradition”), the miracle takes place around the time of Passover (v. 4). In terms of the original historical tradition, this is quite plausible, given the detail of the presence of green grass (v. 10; Mk 6:39 par), which suggests a spring-time setting. For the Gospel of John, this means that the Bread of Life Discourse which follows (vv. 22-59), and which clearly relates to the miracle, also has a Passover setting.

According to v. 59, the Discourse took place in the synagogue (of Capernaum), and it is possible that Jesus is specifically drawing upon the synagogue Scripture-readings for Passover season (for more on this theory, see the study by A. Guilding, The Fourth Gospel and Jewish Worship: A Study of the Relation of John’s Gospel to the Ancient Jewish Lectionary System [Oxford: 1960]; cf. Brown, pp. 278-80). In any case, he utilizes the Moses-Exodus tradition of the Manna (Exod 16), referred to as “bread from heaven” (v. 4; cf. Psalm 78:24-25; 105:40; Neh 9:15).

On the relation of the Bread of Life Discourse to contemporary Jewish expository and homiletical tradition, cf. the important study by P. Borgen, Bread from Heaven: An Exegetical Study of the Concept of Manna in the Gospel of John and the Writings of Philo (Brill: 1965).

Jesus identifies himself as the true manna, sent by God the Father to give life to the world (vv. 33, 51); thus he further expounds the expression “bread from heaven” (vv. 32-34) as the “bread of life” (vv. 35-40ff) and “living bread” (vv. 51-58), comparable to the “living water” of 4:10-15. The first section of the discourse (vv. 25-34) develops the expression “bread out of heaven”, with the theological emphasis on Jesus as the one who has come down from heaven (from the Father) to give life. The second section (vv. 35-50) develops the expression “bread of life”, emphasizing that (eternal) life comes through trusting in Jesus (as the one who has come from the Father). Finally, the third section (vv. 51-58) develops the expression “living bread”, emphasizing the life that Jesus, as the Son sent by the Father, possesses, and that one must partake of that life by ‘eating’ and ‘drinking’ it.

It is in this final section that the association with Jesus’ death comes clearly into view. And it is unlikely that any early Christian would have missed the strong eucharistic emphasis of vv. 51-58, drawing upon the Gospel tradition of Jesus’ words at the Last Supper (Mk 14:23-25 par), a connection that had already been made within the tradition of the Miraculous Feeding episode itself (cf. verse 11; and compare the language in Mk 6:41 par). I have discussed verses 51-58, as well as the Discourse as a whole, in some detail in prior notes and studies, including currently in the series “Spiritualism and the New Testament” and as part of a set of notes on “The Spirit and the Death of Jesus”, focusing on the specific interpretive relation between vv. 51-58 and verse 63.

The Passion Narrative (John 19)

Finally, the Johannine Passion narrative clearly identifies Jesus, in his death, as the lamb that is slain for Passover. This is unique to the Fourth Gospel, and, we may presume, to the Johannine tradition which the Gospel writer inherited. Contrary to the chronology of the Passion narrative, Jesus is crucified on the day of Passover Eve (Nisan 14), which means that the Last Supper, if it was intended as a Passover meal, would have been celebrated in advance.

One way that scholars have attempted to harmonize the Synoptic and Johannine chronologies, is to posit that Jesus and his disciples were following a different calendar than that of the Jewish religious establishment. One theory is that they followed a (364-day) solar calendar akin to that which, apparently, was used by the Community of the Qumran texts (cf. the discussion in Part 2). According to this view, Jesus and his disciples celebrated Passover earlier in the week, before the date when the rest of Judaism (including the members of the Sanhedrin) would have observed it. This has the benefit of avoiding the implausibility of the Council convening a meeting to interrogate Jesus on the day of Passover. On the whole, it is an attractive theory, but not without its own problems; indeed, the actual evidence supporting it is extremely slight.

There are two (possibly three) details in the narration of Jesus’ death (in chapter 19) which bring out this interpretation of Jesus as the Passover lamb:

    • According to v. 14, Jesus was crucified on the day of Passover eve (cf. above), around the time that the lambs were being killed
    • The mention of the hyssop branch in v. 29 (if original) may be an allusion to the Passover instruction in Exod 12:22
    • Jesus’ legs remaining unbroken (vv. 31-33) is explained (v. 36) in terms of the instruction regarding the Passover lamb (Exod 12:46; Num 9:12; cf. also Psalm 34:20)

In Part 4, we will examine the Passover tradition as it is referenced and interpreted elsewhere in the New Testament and other early Christian writings.

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Passover (Part 2)

Passover—Part 2:
Old Testament and Jewish Tradition

The Earliest Festivals

The ancient historical tradition, associating the Passover festival with the Exodus (Exod 12-13), was discussed in Part 1. The same tradition clearly connects the Passover (js^P#) feast (on the 14th/15th of Abib-Nisan) with the festival of ‘Unleavened (Bread)’ (toXm^) on the 15th-21st of the same month. The two festivals are thus joined together from the earliest times, with the js^P# feast effectively marking the beginning of the seven days of toXm^.

Interestingly, in the Torah regulations found elsewhere in the book of Exodus, greater attention is given to the festival of toXm^. The main reason for this is that the annual cycle of Israelite festivals was, from the very beginning, closely tied to the agricultural cycle. The three great festivals, outlined in the early calendar-notices in the Torah (Exod 23:14-17; 34:18-23), were all harvest festivals. The festival of toXm^, in particular, was related to the barley harvest. It is the first of the three gj^-festivals mentioned in these passages. The etymology of the word gj^ remains uncertain, but it is used almost exclusively in reference to pilgrimage festivals—that is, occasions when the people would travel to a (central) sanctuary location, and there celebrate the festival. The related verb gg~j* (Exod 23:14, etc) denotes the celebration of the festival.

More expansive and comprehensive instructions on the festivals are given in Leviticus 23, Numbers 28, and Deuteronomy 16. In these sections, the Passover is included as a primary festival (Lev 23:4-8; Num 28:16-25; Deut 16:1-8), though always in connection with the seven-day toXm^ period. The notice in Lev 23:4-8 is relatively brief, but declares that the first day of the toXm^, the day of the Passover proper (Abib-Nisan 15), is a call (ar*q=m!) for the people to gather for a holy assembly, a day on which no regular work is to be done (v. 7). Sacrificial offerings are to be made to YHWH at the sanctuary on each of the seven days (v. 8); the seventh day is a day of holy assembly, just like the first. The requirements for the daily offerings are given in Num 28:19-24.

The instruction in Deut 16:1-7 shows signs of development, indicating that we are dealing with a well-established tradition. The reference to the historical tradition of the Exodus in v. 3 sounds very much like a fixed liturgical formula, by which the elements of the Passover feast are meant to remind the celebrants of the Exodus event in Egypt. The main Deuteronomic feature of the Passover instruction involves the centralization of cultic ritual and worship at the (Temple) sanctuary in Jerusalem:

“You are not able [i.e. allowed] to slaughter [i.e. sacrifice] the Pesaµ in any of your gates [i.e. of the towns/cities] which YHWH your Mighty (One) is giving to you, for (it is only) to (be done) at the place which YHWH your Mighty (One) shall choose for (the) dwelling of His name…” (vv. 5-6)

The implication is clear enough: the people must travel to the Jerusalem Temple-precincts, bringing the Passover lamb, to have it slaughtered there. This also means that ritual meal has to be eaten in Jerusalem as well (v. 7).

Old Testament References to Passover

The second celebration of Passover is recorded in Numbers 9:1-14, said to have taken place one year after the first Passover (v. 1), and held at the appointed time (v. 2) and according to the established instructions (vv. 3-5, 11-12, cf. above). This festival was held, at Sinai, following the construction and consecration of the Tent-shrine (Tabernacle), including a consecration/purification ceremonies for the Levites (8:5-22) in preparation of the performance of their duties in the Tent. This emphasis on (ritual) purity is also prominent in the instructions regarding Passover (9:6-13).

In Joshua 5:10-11, it is stated that the people of Israel celebrated the Passover while they camped at Gilgal, on the 14th day of the month (Abib-Nisan 14/15), according to the tradition. There is no indication that the festival was celebrated during the years of ‘wandering’, prior to the people’s entry into the Promised Land. This essentially confirms the connection between Passover (and the festival of Unleavened bread) and the agricultural cycle (cf. above)—which requires a presence on the land. From this point on, the Israelites will cultivate and farm the land, a change that is symbolized by the manna ceasing on the very day following the Passover (v. 12). This date corresponds with the beginning of the toXm^ festival, and, correspondingly, the people partook, in a very rudimentary way, of the produce of the land.

The notice in 1 Kings 9:25 (par 2 Chron 8:12-13), indicates that king Solomon presided over the festal sacrificial offerings at the altar of the newly constructed Temple in Jerusalem. This parallels the setting of the Sinai Passover, following the construction of the Tabernacle (cf. above).

According to the Chronicles, the first proper celebration of Passover, held (as intended by the Deuteronomic instruction) in Jerusalem, was arranged by king Hezekiah. According to the Chronicler’s narrative (2nd book, chap. 30), it was truly a grand affair. The call to assemble was sent, even into the northern territories, where it was clearly intended as a (symbolic) way of uniting the remnants of the northern Kingdom with the southern Judean Kingdom (centered at Jerusalem). The exhortation for the people to repent and to “return” to YHWH is expressed in traditional prophetic language. The celebration of Passover is described as part of a wider project of Hezekiah to ‘cleanse’ the Temple from the idolatrous influence and corruption that took place during the reign of his father Ahaz. Because of the work required to restore the proper functioning of the Temple, the celebration of Passover had to be delayed until the second month (vv. 2-3). The narrative also alludes to the fact that, up to that point, the Passover had not been observed as often as it should have been. Indeed, in the history of Israel, as recorded in the Old Testament Scriptures, the Passover organized by Hezekiah was the first since the initial celebration at Gilgal in the time of Joshua (cf. above).

The books of Kings do not mention the Passover during Hezekiah’s reign, indicating that the first proper Passover, held according to the Torah instructions (especially those in Deuteronomy 16:1-17 [cf. above]), took place during the reign of Josiah (2 Kings 23:21-23). It was part of the Josianic program of religious reform, tied explicitly to the regulations and instructions given in the “book of the covenant” (i.e., the book of Deuteronomy). This entailed, above all else, the centralization of worship at the Temple-sanctuary in Jerusalem, just as Deut 16 prescribes. A parallel account of Josiah’s Passover is given in 2 Chron 35:1-19, in much expanded form; the grandiose details mirror the earlier Passover held by Hezekiah.

There are only two other direct references to the Passover in the Old Testament. First, there is the notice in Ezekiel 45:21ff, part of the instruction regarding the ritual activities to be held in the new Temple of the (eschatological) New Age. The book of Ezekiel is a product of the exilic period, a period of generations when it was no longer possible to celebrate the Passover at Jerusalem. The first post-exilic celebration (in Jerusalem) by the returning exiles is described in Ezra 6:19-22; this apparently took place sometime prior to the beginning of Ezra’s mission in Jerusalem (c. 458 B.C.).

Jewish Tradition in the First Centuries B.C./A.D.

It is somewhat surprising how rarely Passover and the festival of Unleavened bread are mentioned in Jewish writings of the Second Temple period. For this study, I will focus on writings from the first centuries B.C./A.D., from c. 250 B.C. to the mid-second century A.D. These texts would pre-date the Mishnah tractate Pesaµim (c. 200 A.D.) which gives extensive information on the festival, along with instruction on how it is to be observed.

Prior to the first century A.D., the main surviving passage dealing with Passover is chapter 49 of the book of Jubilees, a work usually dated to the middle of the 2nd century B.C. The bulk of Jubilees is a reworking of the narratives in Genesis and Exodus (up to Exod 24:18), presented as an Angelic revelation to Moses. The thrust of this historical presentation is to affirm, for Israelites and Jews of the 2nd century (in face of the influence of Hellenism), the importance of adhering to the Torah regulations. The section on Passover (chap. 49) comes at the conclusion of the work. In light of the overall emphasis on maintaining ritual purity (vv. 9-11, cf. Num 9:13), the instructions regarding observance of Passover are reiterated (vv. 12-15, 19-21). There is an idealistic sectarian orientation to this instruction, with the focus on the participants being males twenty years and older (cf. Exod 30:14), who are instructed to eat the meal in the Temple sanctuary (vv. 16-17).

There would seem to be a number of points of contact between the book of Jubilees and the Community of the Qumran texts (cf. below). Indeed, Jubilees appears to have been quite popular with the Community, having the status of something like authoritative Scripture. There are at least 15 copies of the work among the surviving Qumran texts, more than for many books of the canonical Old Testament.

We find a similar interpretive reworking of the Old Testament Passover tradition in several other Jewish writings of the period. The author of the book of Wisdom makes extensive use of the Exodus traditions in the closing chapters 16-19, part of a longer treatment (chaps. 10-19) of the role of God’s Wisdom throughout Israelite history. Chapter 18 (vv. 5-19) gives a powerful and moving account of the Passover night, when the Israelites were saved from death (and delivered from their bondage), while the firstborn children of their Egyptian enemies were destroyed. The Passover sacrifice(s), alluded to in verse 9, reflect the faith and unity of all righteous Israelites, being in agreement to live according to God’s law. Wisdom is identified with “the imperishable light of the law” that is given to the world (v. 4).

The Biblical Antiquities of Pseudo-Philo (1st century A.D.) present a similarly imaginative retelling of Israelite history. The command to observe the festivals is introduced at 13:4-7 (paraphrasing Leviticus 23, cf. above). This work also evinces an interesting tendency to identify certain unspecified festal occasions mentioned in Scripture (Judg 21:17-19; 1 Sam 1:3-4ff) with Passover (48:3; 50:2). For another example of a creative retelling of the Exodus/Passover narrative, cf. the Exagoge of Ezekiel (the Tragedian), spec. lines 149-192.

The Qumran Texts

References and allusions to Passover in the surviving Qumran texts are rather slight. Based on the various liturgical and calendric texts, we can be fairly certain that the major festivals played an important role in the life of the Community (and/or those who copied and used the texts). Documents 4Q320-30 give evidence for the use of a (six-year) 364 day solar calendar, tied to performance of ritual priestly duties and used for establishing regular dates for the various festivals. Texts 4Q320-321 and 329a specifically mention Passover. The book of Jubilees (cf. above) followed a similar solar calendar (cf. also 2 Enoch 1:1). Aristobulus also discusses the issue of determining the date for Passover (section preserved in Eusebius’ Church History 7.32.16-18), an indication that such calendrical questions were pertinent among Jews in the 2nd century B.C.

Several surviving documents—1Q34 (and 1Q34bis), and 4Q505/507-509—contain prayers to be recited during the festivals. The specific context cannot always be determined from the fragmentary remains, but several of these prayers may be intended for Passover (e.g., 4Q505 125, 127, 131 [+ 132i]). For a convenient treatment of these texts, with translation and notes, cf. James R. Davila, Liturgical Works (2000) in the Eerdmans Commentaries on the Dead Sea Scrolls series, pp. 15-40.

The Temple Scroll (11Q19) also refers to the sacrificial offerings to be performed in connection with Passover and the seven day toXm^ festival (col. 17), as part of the overall Temple ritual (cp. Ezekiel’s vision of the New Temple in chaps. 40-48).

Philo and Josephus

Flavius Josephus and Philo of Alexandria are first-century Jewish contemporaries of the early Christians, writing in Greek, and their treatments of Scriptural tradition (and related matters of religion) are most relevant for a study of the New Testament. In his Antiquities, Josephus retells the Old Testament narratives, often adding imaginative details and other bits of Jewish tradition. The relevant portions of the Exodus narrative, where the Passover (pa/sxa) festival is mentioned, are given in 2.313 and 3.248-9 (cf. also 3.294). References corresponding to other Old Testament passages are: 5.20-21f [Josh 5:10-12]; 9.260-72 [2 Chron 30]; 10.70-71ff [2 Kings 23:21-23 par]. Notices of later celebrations of the Passover are given in 11.110; 14.21, 25ff; 17.213f; 18.29, 90; 20.106-108ff; and in Wars 2.10.

The most notable mention of the Passover by Josephus is in Wars 6.420-8, where he explains how a vast multitude of people, having come to Jerusalem for the festival, found themselves trapped in the city by the Roman siege.

It is typical of Philo that he gives an allegorical interpretation to the Passover tradition. He interprets the Pesaµ (Greek Fasek = Pa/sxa) in the ascetic-philosophical sense of “passing over” from the passions, using a bit of wordplay between pa/sxa and the verb pa/sxw (“suffer,” participle paqw/n), just we might between “passover” and “passion”. The main reference is in On the Special Laws 2.145-9:

“…the passover figuratively represents the purification of the soul; for they say that the lover of wisdom is never practising anything else except a passing over from the body and the passions. And each house is at that time invested with the character and dignity of a temple, the victim being sacrificed so as to make a suitable feast for the man who has provided it and of those who are collected to share in the feast, being all duly purified with holy ablutions. And those who are to share in the feast come together not as they do to other entertainments, to gratify their bellies with wine and meat, but to fulfil their hereditary custom with prayer and songs of praise. And this universal sacrifice of the whole people is celebrated on the fourteenth day of the month, which consists of two periods of seven, in order that nothing which is accounted worthy of honour may be separated from the number seven. But this number is the beginning of brilliancy and dignity to everything.” (Yonge translation)

Philo specifically explains the girding of the loins (Exod 12:11) in terms of restraining one’s appetites. By moving away from the passions, and offering the Passover sacrifice (12:4), one makes the ‘advance toward perfection’, with the unblemished lamb symbolizing a moderate spirit. The passage away from the passions should be done promptly and willingly, i.e., “in haste”. Cf. On Allegorical Interpretation 3.94, 154, 165; On the Sacrifices of Abel and Cain §63; On the Migration of Abraham §25; Who Is the Heir…? §192f, 255. On the Preliminary Studies §106. The Passover is also mentioned in On the Decalogue §159; and cf. his discussion in On the Life of Moses 2.221-7.

Perhaps the most direct and full exposition of the Passover by Philo is found in Questions and Answers on Exodus (1.4), which I quote here in full (from the LOEB translation by Ralph Marcus):

“They make the Passover sacrifice while changing their dwelling-place in accordance with the commands of the Logos, in return for three beneficent acts (of God), which are the beginning and the middle of the freedom to which they now attain. And the beginning was that they were able to conquer the harsh and insupportable masters of whom they had had experience and who had brought all kinds of evil upon them, and this (came about) in two ways, by having their force and their numbers increase. And the middle was that they saw the divinely sent punishments and disasters which overtook their enemies, (for) it was not the nations which fought against them but the regions of the world and the four elements which came against them with the harmfulness and violence of beasts. That is the literal meaning. But the deeper meaning is this. Not only do men make the Passover sacrifice when they change their places but so also and more properly do souls when they begin to give up the pursuits of youth and their terrible disorder and they change to a better and older state. And so our mind should change from ignorance and stupidity to education and wisdom, and from intemperance and dissoluteness to patience and moderation, and from fear and cowardice to courage and confidence, and from avarice and injustice to justice and equality. And there is still another Passover of the soul beside this, which is its making the sacrifice of passing over from the body; and there is one of the mind, (namely, its passing over) from the senses; and as for thoughts, (their passing over consists) in one’s not being taken with oneself but in willingly thinking further of desiring and emulating prophetic souls.”

Important in relation to the early Christian application of the Passover festival is Philo’s exposition (in On the Special Laws 2.150-61) of the seasonal symbolism, emphasizing the rebirth of new life in the springtime, and the dominance of light over darkness:

“The vernal equinox is an imitation and representation of that beginning in accordance with which this world was created. Accordingly, every year, God reminds men of the creation of the world, and with this view puts forward the spring, in which season all plants flourish and bloom…. For it is necessary that the most beautiful and desirable phenomena belong to those things which are first and have received the position of leadership, those phenomena through which the reproduction and growth of animals and fruit and crops take place, but not the ominous destructive forces. And this feast is begun on the fifteenth day of the month, in the middle of the month, on the day on which the moon is full of light, in consequence of the providence of God taking care that there shall be no darkness on that day.” (vv. 151-5, Yonge translation)

In Part 3, we will begin examining how the Israelite/Jewish Passover tradition influenced early Christian thought. Our initial focus will be on the Gospel of John.

The Ancient Israelite Festivals: Passover (Part 1)

This is the beginning of a regular, periodic series, focusing on the major Festivals of ancient Israel, as attested in the Old Testament Scriptures, and subsequently in Jewish practice. I will be relying primarily on the Scriptural sources, with an emphasis on how the Festival traditions and customs influenced early Christian thought and practice. These studies will correspond, generally if not strictly, with the traditional dating and chronology for each festival during the year. We begin with the festival known as Passover—Hebrew js^P# (Pesaµ), Greek Pa/sxa (Páscha).

Passover—Part 1:
Ancient Origins and Old Testament Background

Terminology

The traditional term “pasch(al)” comes from the Greek transliteration (pa/sxa, páscha) of the Hebrew noun js^P# (pesaµ), while our English “passover” stems from the customary assumed meaning of the root jsp I in Hebrew (“to pass over”). Unfortunately verb forms of jsp I are extremely rare in the Old Testament, with only four occurrences, three of which are in Exodus 12 (cf. below), and those may represent an attempt to explain the meaning of js^P# in terms of the historical tradition of the Exodus. The other occurrence is in Isaiah 31:5. There is a separate root (jsp II) which apparently means something like “limp, hobble” (cf. 2 Sam 4:4; 5:6; 1 Kings 18:16, 21, and the derived adjective j^s@P! “lame”).

Some commentators believe that jsp I more properly denotes protection (i.e. “guard, protect”) which certainly would fit the context in Exodus 12, as well as the reference in Isa 31:5. The core Exodus tradition indicates that js^P# signifies a specific kind of sacrificial/ritual offering, and could relate to the Akkadian pašâ—u, meaning something like “soothe, appease”, such as of the deity in a ritual context; and, indeed, there are scholars who would explain Hebrew js^P# on this basis. The Hebrew noun itself is used exclusively for the “Passover” festival—or, specifically, to the sacrificial offering of the festival.

The Exodus Narrative and Tradition

Our understanding of the origins and background of the js^P# festival stem almost entirely from the ancient historical-religious tradition(s) in the book of Exodus (chapters 12-13). This, of course, refers to the traditions regarding the “Exodus” of the people of Israel from Egypt, made possible through the miraculous “plagues” that struck the land of Egypt (chaps. 7-12). The last of these plagues took place on the evening of the “first Passover”, the night-vigil of the Exodus.

The narrative in Exodus 12 is typical of the way that traditional narrative and religious law/custom are blended together throughout the Pentateuch, but especially in the book of Exodus. While this is part of the sheer beauty and power of the book, it also creates difficulties for commentators who approach the narrative from an historical-critical perspective—exploring both the historical background and historicity of the narrative. In terms of the Passover/js^P#-tradition itself, there are three aspects which have to be considered:

    • The ancient background of the festival, which may pre-date the Exodus tradition
    • The context of the historical tradition of the Exodus, and
    • The parameters of the festival as it would be understood and practiced subsequently by Israelites
The Initial Reference in Exodus 12:11

The festival is established and outlined in vv. 1-11, at the conclusion of which is the following declaration:

“It is a js^P# to/for YHWH”
(v. 11b, cf. also vv. 27, 48, Lev 23:5, etc)

By all accounts this is an extremely ancient formula, however one evaluates the narrative otherwise from an historical-critical standpoint. This wording suggests that js^P# represents a kind of sacrificial/ritual offering. Apparently it is a familiar term, requiring no explanation; however, it is not immediately clear whether this familiarity should be understood (a) from the standpoint of (later) readers, or (b) in terms of the underlying historical tradition. If the latter (b), then it would mean that Israelites at the time of the Exodus would be familiar with the word and its usage. Let us consider this possibility.

A Pre-Exodus Festival?

A number of critical commentators have posited the theory that the Passover/js^P# reflected a pastoral religious tradition already in existence among Israelites (and/or other Semitic peoples) by the mid/late-2nd millennium (i.e. by the 13th century B.C.). This would conform with other aspects of ancient Israelite religion, whereby current/existing forms and customs were adapted—and re-interpreted—to be given a new and deeper meaning, specific to the religious experience of Israel. For example, the basic design of the Temple/Tabernacle was hardly unique or original, but tended to follow a pattern already in existence in Canaanite Temples, and nomadic Tent-shrines, etc. The same can be said with regard to many aspects of the sacrificial ritual, and other areas of Israelite religion. The uniqueness was not in the specific form, as much as it was of special (revelatory) meaning it had for Israel as the covenant people of YHWH.

The same may have been true of the js^P# offering. It may have originated as a pastoral/nomadic custom—an offering from the flock/herd, possibly intended to ensure God’s protection for the tribe. The communal-meal aspect of the offering could well have been part of the basic rite. According to this theory, Exodus 12:1-11 takes an existing rite, and applies it specifically to the context of the Exodus setting. This is a js^P# offering to God, but one with very special meaning and significance, since it marks YHWH’s protection over Israel and His deliverance of them from bondage in Egypt.

The Traditions in Exodus 12-13

By all accounts, Exodus 12-13 represents a complex blending of historical and religious traditions. The historical Exodus-setting of the Passover rite is, of course, foremost in view; and yet this narrative also serves as the framework for what we would call Torah—that is, instruction on important matters related to the religious and cultural life of the Community. As noted above, the guidelines for performing the Passover festival are given primarily in 12:1-11. The basic details are well-known, and may be summarized as follows:

    • The Passover is to take place in the month of Abib (Nisan, March-April), which becomes the first month of the Israelite calendar (v. 1; cf. 13:4; 23:15; 34:18; Deut 16:8)
    • Each household (ty]B^) selects a lamb (from the sheep or goats) for the Passover meal (vv. 3-5); the lamb is to be a male in its first year, and must be “complete” (<ym!T*)—an adjective with ritual significance, as it refers to the physical wholeness/perfection that is required for sacrificial offerings (Lev 1:3; 3:1; 22:19ff; Deut 15:21, etc).
    • The lamb is selected on the 10th of the month, and kept (vb rm^v*) until the 14th, when it is to be slaughtered “between the two settings (of the sun)” (<y]B*r=u^h* /yB@), a phrase taken to denote the time between noon and sunset—i.e., in the afternoon/evening (vv. 3,  6). According to the Mishnah (Pesaµim 5:5), the slaughtering was done in groups of thirty or more, a number that might cover more than one household.
    • In each house where the meal is eaten, blood from the slaughtered animal is put upon the doorposts and crosspiece (lintel), v. 7. This implies the removal of the animal’s blood before it is eaten, an essential religious and societal requirement for Israel (Gen 9:4; Exod 29:12, etc).
    • The meat (“flesh,” rc*B*) is to be eaten that same night, roasted in fire, and served with toXm^ and “bitter herbs” (<yr!r)m=), i.e., herbs with a sharp/pungent flavor used for seasoning (v. 8). The word hX*m^ is introduced and used here without any explanation, and we may assume that, like js^P# itself (cf. above), hX*m^ was a familiar term even at the time of the Exodus. The context indicates that it refers to flat bread-cakes made without leavening (cf. below), though the relation of the word to the presumed root Jx^m* (“drain [out]”) is not entirely clear.
    • The whole animal is to be roasted, and whatever of it that is not eaten must be burnt up in the fire that night, with nothing remaining of it into morning (vv. 9-10).
    • The instructions regarding how one is to be dressed when eating (v. 11) clearly is meant to symbolize and commemorate the historical circumstances of the Exodus. The historical tradition is particularly emphasized in vv. 12-13; on the central declaration in v. 11b, cf. the discussion above.

More detailed instructions follow in vv. 14-27, beginning with the statement in v. 14, which clearly has future generations of Israelites in mind:

“And this day shall be to you for a memorial (/ork=z]), and you shall celebrate it (as) a festival (gj^) to YHWH…”

Verses 15-20 establish the connection between the Passover festival and the seven-day festival of toXm^ (‘Unleavened Bread’); cf. also in 13:3-16. It is likely that this originally involved two separate celebrations, and the festivals remained distinct throughout Israelite history, even though they were inseparably joined from the earliest time, due to the historical Exodus-tradition. During the seven days (15th-21th of the month), there should be no leavened dough (lit. sourdough, Jm@j*) present in Israelite houses; the leavening agent itself is called roac= (13:7; Deut 16:4, etc), the etymology of which remains uncertain.

Specific ritual instructions for the js^P# (Passover) festival then follow in vv. 21-27, describing: (1) how the blood is to be applied to the doorframe, and the ritual symbolism involved (vv. 22-24); and (2) application of the symbolism within the Passover meal-service in the house (vv. 25-27). The latter includes the famous instruction which forms the basis of the liturgy (Passover Haggadah) that would develop:

“And, it shall be that, (when) your sons should say to you, ‘What (does) this service (mean) for you?’ even (so) you shall say: ‘It (is the) slaughtering [jb^z#, i.e. sacrifice] of (the) passover [js^P#] to YHWH, who passed over [lu^ js^P*] (the) houses of (the) sons of Yisrael in Egypt, in His striking (the) Egyptians; and (indeed) our houses He snatched (out of danger).'” (v. 26f)

Further instructions on the Passover are found in vv. 43-49, following the statement in v. 42, declaring the Passover evening as a night-vigil commemorating the historical tradition of the Exodus.

In Part 2 of this article, we will survey other Old Testament references to the Passover (and toXm^ festival), with some consideration given to how it developed in Israelite/Jewish thought and practice. This will be important for an understanding of how the festival—and its ritual symbolism—influenced early Christianity. The importance of the Passover in the Gospel tradition, with its specific connection to the Passion (and death) of Jesus Christ, is currently being featured in a set of studies in the series “The Passion Narrative” (Episode 2). See also the note on the chronological issues involved with the Passover association in the Gospel narrative(s).